Mücahit Özden Hun

Turkish-Kurdish Synthesis and Turkey as a Global Power

This essay explores Turkey's potential to become a global power through a "Turkish-Kurdish synthesis," arguing that military solutions to the Kurdish issue are ineffective and advocating for democratic integration of Turkish and Kurdish communities.

On October 9, 2019, at 4:00 PM, the Turkish Armed Forces launched a military operation against Northern Syria (Rojava / Western Kurdistan), which is under YPG/PKK control, to establish a safe zone. For almost the last 40 years, similar long-term or short-term hit-and-run military operations have been carried out repeatedly against specific targets in Syrian, Iraqi, and Iranian territories. Each time, cries of victory (!) were heard, claiming, "The organization can no longer stand on its feet!" Because, according to them, the Kurdish Question was ultimately a terrorism problem. If the terrorists were eliminated, the problem would resolve itself. Such a thesis forms the basis of the state's perspective on the Kurdish issue.

However, each time the organization developed new strategies and tactics, trying to prove its existence. We have now learned with great certainty that it is not possible to achieve results against the YPG/PKK (or other Kurdish parties) with military measures alone. Rojava can be occupied, Syrian refugees can be settled in this region. Already, over a hundred thousand Kurdish civilians are on the roads in a desperate state. In this sense, just like the displacement of the Azerbaijani population from Karabakh, a "Kurdish-Karabakh problem" will be created in the region, and this injustice will become a bleeding wound.

There may even be those who see such operations as an opportunity to test new, state-of-the-art weapons developed by ASELSAN and HAVELSAN. However, the Republic of Turkey, which cannot win the hearts of the Kurdish people both within and outside Turkey, will never achieve the desired results in terms of peace and stability, no matter how powerful its weapons or how many villages and cities it occupies.

Turkey states that it has launched an operation to control a 30 km deep corridor along the Syrian border. The cities of Rojava are already located along a 50 km corridor. The rest is desert and unsuitable for living conditions. This means that the Republic of Turkey plans to occupy all of Syrian Kurdistan, i.e., Rojava. This is not a security corridor but rather the occupation of the Kurdish region and the displacement of the civilian population. Creating new Karabakhs is not a political success. Especially if Bashar al-Assad unexpectedly makes a move, cooperates with the Kurdish forces fighting in the region, and claims Syria's territorial integrity, and if the Republic of Turkey is forced to withdraw from the region in accordance with United Nations principles, who will be responsible for the chaotic situation that will arise?

At this stage, I would like to ask a question: While terrorist organizations ceaselessly develop new strategies to survive, has the state considered developing strategies other than military ones? At this point, we know that the answer to this is unfortunately NO. Each time, there have been statements like, "Some democratic openings may be possible after terrorism ends," but this has now lost its credibility. We are now forced to believe that to prevent the democratic handling of the Kurdish issue and the implementation of solution-oriented projects, the state adopts, and even supports, the continued existence of the terrorist organization as a political strategy.

It has almost become a tradition: on the first day of military operations, chauvinistic and racist rhetoric escalates, shaking the media and social media, and individual hateful and abusive words come from the pens and mouths of people we would never expect. As if this weren't enough, the chauvinistic and one-sided analyses of academics and journalists appearing on TV programs, believing they have finally fundamentally solved the problem of terrorism or the Kurdish issue, evoke a déjà vu feeling in us. By adding their scientific nonsense to their speeches steeped in international relations terminology, they unwittingly deepen the Kurdish-Zaza-Turkish alienation in Turkey, and with their veiled anti-Kurdish attitudes, they unwittingly or knowingly legitimize the PKK in the hearts of the Kurdish people, thereby blocking the spontaneous democratic opening of the Kurdish people.

As in previous years, hundreds or even thousands of terrorists can be killed in military operations, but unless the organization's continued political existence is targeted, the organization will always continue to exist, hanging over the Kurdish people like the Sword of Damocles. Unfortunately, political powers strengthen "the legitimacy of the organization" with such military operations, block the democratic opening of the Kurdish people, and in a sense, offer the organization the opportunity it desires on a silver platter. In the face of rising Turkish chauvinism, peace-loving Kurds, whether HDP, AKP, or CHP supporters, are confronted with a meaningless feeling that suffocates them and for which they cannot find an answer, becoming alienated from themselves and their state, falling into despair, and even struggling with veiled discrimination in their workplaces.

There is a situation that must now be accepted: without looking at the Kurdish Question from a different perspective, without taking brave and democratic steps, and by only seeing the problem as military and taking measures in that direction, no results will ever be achieved. Because universal human demands, the search for equality and justice, necessitate this. For example, the identity demands of peoples (Zaza, Kurmanji, etc.) who are forbidden to use their mother tongue in primary schools cannot be controlled or destroyed by military measures. As long as this prohibition and denial of identity continue, even if the PKK/YPG were to disappear, other organizations that would turn this injustice into political material would always emerge. The important thing is to understand human demands and the identity expectations of peoples and to do what is necessary in this direction without delay. In fact, Turkey has the potential, with visionary political leaders, to overcome the Kurdish issue in all its aspects and to emerge as a global power. The purpose of this article is to examine this roadmap together and to foster a new hope for a solution in the hearts of the Turkish and Kurdish peoples.

At this stage, the following questions need to be considered:

Can the Republic of Turkey not solve the Kurdish Question with a different approach?

Can Turkey not become a global power?

Do the changing political balances in the world and the region offer Turkey such an opportunity?

Is Turkey aware of this historic opportunity?

Does it have a clear strategy and roadmap to become a global power?

If not, how can it create one?

What should be the fundamental vision and ideological foundations of this goal?

A New "Pax-Ottomana" Concept?

Considering all these questions above, it becomes clear that we need to question whether the concrete conditions exist for Turkey to emerge as a leading country in a vast geography spanning the Balkans, the Middle East, the Caucasus, and Central Asia, extending from Europe to China.

Although Turkey's emergence as a global power in the world's most sensitive and conflict-ridden region may initially seem impossible and a dream, its historical past and geopolitical position clearly offer it this chance.

The term "Pax-Ottomana" (Ottoman Peace) is used by historians for the period of the Ottoman Empire covering the years 1500-1700.

For centuries, the Ottomans ensured peace, tranquility, and prosperity for the nations under their rule, and by paying attention to inter-state political balances, they effectively established justice in the Balkans, Anatolia, North Africa, the Caucasus, and Middle Eastern regions.

Can the Republic of Turkey, the natural heir of the Ottoman Empire, give a new meaning and a new dimension to the concept of "Pax-Ottomana" in the changing new conditions of the world, but this time in a different geography extending from Europe to China, and can it revive this spirit in the changing world conditions?

Turkey's Geopolitical Importance

Undoubtedly, a country's geography and geopolitical position largely determine its general strategy, foreign policy, and the steps it should take towards the future, from today to tomorrow.

The international general definition for Turkey is: "Turkey is a bridge between East and West." This definition sometimes gains an "economic" content, meaning "energy bridge," and sometimes a "social" content, meaning "bridge between religions (Islam and Christianity) and civilizations."

Can Turkey escape these "passive bridge" definitions attributed to it and impose its own desired and determined "active bridge" definition? Can it undertake a brand new mission on the path to becoming a Global Power in a geography extending from Europe to China? Can it put forward a vision that redefines its own interests, going beyond the definitions given to it by the West, once as an "outpost" against communism and now as a "safe energy corridor"?

Turkey's geopolitical advantages:

1. Turkish-Kurdish solidarity and togetherness have existed for nearly 1000 years.

a. When Alparslan fought the Byzantine Emperor Diogenes at Manzikert, 10,000 Marwanid Kurds were in Alparslan's army.

b. Turks and Kurds resisted the Crusades together. When the Turkish commander Nureddin Zengi died, the Kurdish commander Saladin Ayyubi took his place and recaptured Jerusalem from the Crusaders.

c. In the Battle of Çaldıran, Kurds also acted together with the Ottoman army.

d. This togetherness gained another dimension with the Hamidiye Regiments.

e. Turks and Kurds were together in the War of Independence, especially at the Erzurum Congress, and in the War of Independence, the people of Urfa, Maraş, and Antep, where the Kurdish population was concentrated, put up an honorable struggle against the occupying forces, for which they were awarded the titles of Şanlı (Glorious), Kahraman (Heroic), and Gazi (Veteran) respectively by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey.

2. Turkey is the historical and natural heir of the Ottoman Empire.

3. Turkey is the only Muslim country that is a candidate for the European Union.

4. Turkey is the only Muslim country that is a member of NATO.

5. Turkey is the most populous country in the Turkic world.

6. If it becomes a member, it will be the largest in the EU by population within 10-20 years.

7. There are over 5 million Turkish/Kurdish/Zaza people in Europe.

8. Turkey is the country with the largest Kurdish population. (Istanbul is the largest Kurdish metropolis).

9. The energy corridor between East and West passes through Turkey.

10. Turks (Turkmen) and Kurds live intertwined in Iraq, Syria, and Iran. There is even a significant Kurdish population in distant countries like Kazakhstan. Over 1 million Kurds live in Khorasan, on the Turkmenistan-Iran border.

11. Considering that Azerbaijani leader Heydar Aliyev's family belongs to the Kurdish Eliyan tribe, this intertwining becomes even more evident.

12. In 1946, the Azerbaijan and Kurdistan Democratic Republics, though short-lived, were established simultaneously in Iran and provided logistical support to each other.

For Turkey to emerge as a global power, it needs to put forward a vision that can utilize the geopolitical advantages mentioned above as a whole. Otherwise, these advantages will turn into disadvantages, forcing Turkey to be divided from within and to accept the role of an insignificant actor in scenarios written by the major power centers surrounding it.

Regional Power Centers Surrounding Turkey

Our world is rapidly evolving from nation-states towards a system focused on regional power. Turkey is besieged on all sides by increasingly strong regional power centers expanding their spheres of influence. When we briefly look at these, we encounter the following picture in order of importance:

1. European Union

2. Belt Centered on Slavic-Orthodox-Soviet Nationalism (Russia)

3. Belt Centered on Shiite Islam (Iran)

4. Belt Centered on Sunni Islam (Saudi Arabia-Pakistan-Indonesia-Malaysia-Sudan)

5. Belt Centered on Arab Nationalism (Egypt-Syria-Iraq)

1. European Union

The increasingly expanding and strengthening European Union is currently a community of 28 member states with a population of 500 million. It is gaining importance as an effective economic power producing 30 percent of the world's GDP and as a political model that ensures the democratic integration of independent states. Turkey, aiming for full membership in the EU, should acquire this "democratic integration" culture and use this experience to bring together the Turkic World countries on a democratic, egalitarian, and just basis.

As can be seen from the table below, it is clear that in the event of Turkey's full membership in the EU, it would become the largest in the EU by population within a short period of 10-20 years and would benefit from this project. Turkey should accelerate its EU membership efforts and use diplomacy effectively for full membership.

European Union (Top Eight)

Country Population (Million)

1 Germany 83

2 France 65

3 United Kingdom 61

4 Italy 60

5 Spain 46

6 Poland 38

7 Romania 21

8 Netherlands 17

TOTAL 391

Source: Wikipedia

2. Belt Centered on Slavic-Orthodox-Soviet Nationalism (Russia)

Russia, with a three-pronged political pincer and maneuver, is trying to expand its sphere of influence as much as possible and maintain its status quo by pursuing "Slavic nationalism" on one hand, "Orthodox nationalism" on another, and "Soviet nationalism" on yet another.

Recent events have shown Russia's determination to make the best use of this triple geopolitical advantage. With nuclear power and vast energy resources, Russia is expected to continue this claim for many more years by implementing projects such as the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

Turkey's entry into Russia's sphere of influence or integration with Russia is, of course, unthinkable.

Russia's Spheres of Influence

Country Population (million)

Slavic Nationalism Russia 142

Ukraine 47

Poland 39

Serbia 11

Czech Republic 11

Belarus 11

Bulgaria 8

Slovakia 6

Croatia 5

Macedonia 2

Slovenia 2

Orthodox Nationalism Greece 11

Armenia 3

Georgia 5

Soviet Nationalism Uzbekistan 27

Kazakhstan 16

Azerbaijan 9

Kyrgyzstan 6

Turkmenistan 5

Tajikistan 7

Romania 22

Hungary 10

Latvia 3

Lithuania 4

Estonia 2

Moldova 5

TOTAL 419

Source: Wikipedia

3. Belt Centered on Shiite Islam (Iran)

10-15% of all Muslims in the world are Shiite. This number corresponds to a population of approximately 150-190 million. Iran, located in the very center of the Shiite geography, is determined to use this geopolitical advantage to promote itself as a leading country. In this sense, it has largely succeeded. The eyes of all Shiites (Ja'faris) in the world are on Iran.

An Iran capable of producing nuclear power will now have to be considered a global power. Iran's biggest goal is to integrate the Shiite population in its region around its vision and, if necessary, to gain new allies from the Sunni Islamic world to achieve its goal of "Islamic Leadership." This would, in a way, mean opening a new page in the historical Sunni-Shiite rivalry. However, at the current stage, no Sunni state is willing to enter Iran's sphere of influence. Iran has established itself as an international power on its own. In doing so, Iran has based its approach on religious rather than ethnic unity.

Considering historical facts, it seems impossible for Turkey to ally with Iran or to develop a common economic, military, or political vision with it.

Shiite Islamic World

Country Total Population (million) Shiite Population (million)

Iran 82 75

Pakistan 165 33

Iraq 26 17

India 1,000 11

Azerbaijan 8 6

Afghanistan 31 6

Saudi Arabia 27 4

Lebanon 4 2

Kuwait 2.5 0.7

Bahrain 0.7 0.5

Syria 19 0.2

United Arab E. 2.7 0.2

Qatar 1 0.15

TOTAL 157

Source: Wikipedia

1. Belt Centered on Sunni Islam (Saudi Arabia-Pakistan-Indonesia-Malaysia-Sudan)

As can be seen, the Sunni Islamic world is scattered over a very wide geography extending from China to Russia, from Indonesia to Morocco. Due to this dispersion, it is impossible for the Sunni Islamic world to produce a single leading country.

Pakistan possesses nuclear power, but it uses this power not for Sunni Islamic leadership but as a deterrent against its eternal enemy, India. Since the Sunni Islamic World cannot produce a leader from within itself, it tries to compensate for this deficiency, in a way, with the Organization of Islamic Conference, founded in 1969. However, the Islamic Conference has no weight or importance in world politics. It has not been able to achieve a single peace or end a single war.

Since 2002, the AK Party government has been attempting to lead the Sunni Islamic World, but it has failed each time. At one point, it brought the Palestinian cause to the forefront, even risking war with Israel to champion it, but not a single Sunni state stood by Turkey. Turkey, in undertaking this initiative, had assumed that Sunni states would gather alongside it and under its leadership. However, it is certain that it experienced a great disappointment in this regard. (Especially the Palestinian State's condemnation of Turkey in the recent Syrian operation deepened this disappointment even further).

When the civil war started in Syria, Turkey this time took on the leadership role for the Sunni population in Syria, unconditionally opened its doors to refugees, and while showing a "humanitarian" reflex, its main aim was to send a message to the Sunni world regarding leadership. Unfortunately, not a single Sunni Islamic state valued Turkey's sacrifice, provided no assistance, and did not recognize Turkey as the protector and leading country of the Sunni world.

The point we have reached is deplorable. Nearly 4 million Sunni refugees have overwhelmed Turkey. While hoping for financial support from Saudi Arabia and other oil-rich Sunni countries, these hopes proved to be empty. When Europe also closed its doors, the situation became intractable. The desperate political power decided to implement a "kill two birds with one stone" approach. On the one hand, it wants to create a reliable Sunni corridor by occupying the historical settlements of the Kurdish people living in Northern Syria and forcibly settling Sunni Arabs in this region. On the other hand, it has entered into a calculation to move the Kurdish problem away from Turkey and push it towards the Middle East. Today, Turkey is in a position without weight or seriousness in the Sunni Islamic world. It has been left alone in its search for solutions for Sunni refugees. The only solution is to settle the refugees in the historical lands of the Kurds (Rojava) and to establish settlements by occupying this region. Unfortunately, this project will fail because it contains an essence contrary to the fundamental rules of international politics.

To summarize the situation:

The Shiite Islamic World is Monocentric: Iran

The Sunni Islamic world is polycentric: Pakistan, Indonesia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, etc.

Having lost hope in the Sunni Islamic world, the AK Party is now embracing Turkish nationalism, trying to develop this policy as the party's fundamental philosophy. Unfortunately, as an antithesis to the development of Turkish nationalism, the Kurdish people are entirely targeted, and a nationalist axis and understanding are being developed through anti-Kurdish sentiment. To understand how nationalist a Turk is has, in a sense, become directly proportional to that person's hatred of Kurds.

Sunni Islamic World (Population over 10 Million)

Country Total Population (million) Sunni Population (million)

Indonesia 196 194

Pakistan 166 128

Bangladesh 148 124

India 1100 123

Turkey 80 65

Nigeria 132 57

Egypt 74 55

China 1300 36

Algeria 34 33

Morocco 30 30

Afghanistan 30 25

Sudan 40 25

Saudi Arabia 25 22

Uzbekistan 24 22

Tanzania 37 17

Russia 143 14

Niger 14 13

Syria 18 13

Yemen 21 12

Malaysia 23 12

Iraq 29 10

Senegal 12 10

Tunisia 10 10

Ivory Coast 18 10

TOTAL 1054

Source: Wikipedia

2. Belt Centered on Arab Nationalism (Egypt-Syria-Iraq)

The Arab World, consisting of 24 countries, has a population of 350 million. Egypt, Iraq, and Syria have for many years competed among themselves for the leadership of Arab nationalism, and sometimes they have combined their forces to create a common power. If Egypt had been able to acquire nuclear power, it might have been the undisputed leader of the Arab World.

Currently, the Arab World presents a fragmented and unassertive appearance, remaining within the spheres of influence of the Shiite and Sunni power centers that surround it from within and without. Since the Arab World cannot produce a single leading country, the Arab League, founded in 1946, continues to undertake this task in a way. Turkey, of course, cannot have a claim in this center and formation. The Arab League opposed Turkey's operation in Syria and issued a condemnation.

Arab World

Country Population (million)

Egypt 74

Sudan 40

Algeria 34

Morocco 30

Iraq 29

Saudi Arabia 25

Syria 18

Tunisia 10

Somalia 8

Palestine 7

Jordan 6

Libya 6

Lebanon 4

Kuwait 3

TOTAL 294

Source: Wikipedia

Turkey's Place?

When we question which of these power centers, whose general characteristics are given above, Turkey should align itself with or in which group it might have a chance for "leadership," the most logical answer that comes to the forefront is the thesis of the "Sunni Islamic World."

However, as we mentioned earlier, the Sunni Islamic world is very fragmented, and Turkey ranks 5th in terms of population within this group. Turkey has no chance of leadership in this group against rivals that are superior in terms of military power (nuclear), population, and economy. Although G-8 type formations are possible, it seems difficult for Turkey to have a chance to lead and set the agenda in these formations.

When we question whether Turkey has a chance to remain "neutral," equidistant from all these regional power centers surrounding it, the chance for external powers to intervene in Turkey increases. If Turkey does not want to be divided and become prey to major power centers, it must find a new way out.

We know that there are strategists who suggest that Turkey should completely abandon the West and integrate with global powers such as Russia, China, or India. When we examine the possibility of such a scenario,

we see that, considering factors such as population, nuclear weapons, and economic power, it is impossible for Turkey alone to cooperate with these superpowers on equal terms, and it could even be completely swallowed up by these powers.

Therefore, instead of pursuing a defensive and reactive policy, Turkey should create a new balancing force based on the understanding of "democratic leadership" as an alternative to the power centers surrounding it, and define and implement a vision appropriate to this.

The most important question that arises here is: What should this new vision be?

The Reality of the Nation-State and Two Orientations

With the acceleration of globalization, the future of nation-states began to be questioned all over the world. Some political scientists declared the end of nation-states, while others argued that nation-states would undergo a qualitative change and resist globalization.

One of the most important phenomena brought about by the globalization process is the increasing importance and empowerment of micro-ethnic, religious, and other social identities within nation-states, and their conflict with the existence of the nation-state they are part of. Nation-states like Turkey, which contain different ethnic and religious identities, find themselves helpless in the face of these demands and spend the country's resources and opportunities to control these demands for change.

At this stage, the question that needs to be asked is: Should Turkey remain on the defensive, spending all its energy on controlling these demands for change, or should it put forward a supranational vision, accelerating the democratic integration of these demands for change into the country's integrity, while at the same time making the best use of the role imposed on it by historical conditions and geopolitics to establish the fundamental ideology and roadmap for becoming a global power in its region and the world? What should this ideology and vision be?

The answer to this question is clear: the democratic integration of the Turkish and Kurdish Worlds under Turkey's leadership.

Integration of the Turkish and Kurdish Worlds

The strategic togetherness of the Turkish and Kurdish Worlds in the geography extending from Europe to China will be a center of attraction. Can Turkey ignore the Kurdish population in this geography or consider it insignificant?

Considering that Turkey is the country with the largest Kurdish population in the world and Istanbul is the city with the highest concentration of Kurds, it is difficult to say that a strategy that disregards the Kurdish population in the region can be successful. If the Kurdish population is not seen as a fundamental partner in this general strategy, then global power centers in or outside the region will be given the opportunity to use Kurds to weaken Turkey from within.

Turkic World

Country Population (million)

Turkey 80

Uzbekistan 27

Kazakhstan 16

Azerbaijan 9

Kyrgyzstan 6

Turkmenistan 5

TOTAL 143

Source: Wikipedia

Kurdish Population in the World

Country Population

Turkey 16

Iran 6

Iraq 6

Syria 2

Other countries 4

TOTAL 34

Source: Wikipedia

When we look at the general situation of the Turkish and Kurdish Worlds in the region, we understand that we are facing the following situation.

The Dilemma of the Kurdish World

The Kurdish World is fragmented and completely disconnected from each other. The most prominent and internationally recognized political entity of the Kurdish World is the Kurdistan Regional Government in Northern Iraq. In the coming years, Kurds will rapidly move away from the Arab and Shiite Power Centers in an irreversible way, or they will be forced to do so. Therefore, the isolated Kurds in the region will be left with two options: to become an "outpost" by entering the orbit of America and Israel, or to integrate into the Turkic World.

Sensitivity of the Turkic World

The Turkic World in the Caucasus and Central Asia is in a triple pincer movement. On one side, it is constantly influenced by Soviet nationalism led by Russia, on another side by Shiite Islam led by Iran, and on yet another side by Sunni Islamic power centers. In this situation, the question of whether the Turkic World can escape these influences and support a project led by Turkey comes to the forefront.

If Turkey comes up with a democratic integration project, similar to the EU model, the Turkic World will be able to say yes to it. Otherwise, if Turkey repeats the "anti-democratic" understanding, as experienced in the 1990s, where it imposed itself as the "elder brother" on the Turkic World, the result will again be disappointment. Just as the EU project did not destroy the French or German nation-state, identity, or culture, similarly, Turkey's new project should not threaten the sensitivities of the Turkic World states; it should create the hope of bringing them together on a higher plane.

Turkish Can Be a World Language

The Kurdish language consists of five independent languages and dozens of sub-dialects. It is largely impossible for a Kurd speaking Zazaki to understand a Kurd speaking Sorani or Kurmanji. A common language that the Kurdish World can use has not yet emerged. It does not seem possible for such a language unity to emerge in the near future.

A similar picture is encountered when looking at the Turkic World. It is impossible for someone speaking Turkish from Turkey to understand someone speaking Kazakh or Uzbek. In these conditions, Turkish from Turkey can be the common official language that brings together all these groups in the Turkish and Kurdish Worlds and enables their communication. In this way, Turkish can rise to the level of a world language like English, Russian, and Spanish.

Turkey's Roadmap to Becoming a Global Power

The roadmap before Turkey can be broadly defined as follows:

1. The existence of a political will that expands democracy and freedoms; provides democratic integration of all social identities in the country by making radical social, economic, and cultural openings,

2. Internalizing the culture of democracy and freedom by aiming for full membership in the EU, and proposing an "EU-like democratic integration model" to the Turkic World,

3. Ensuring the democratic integration of Turkey and the Turkic World countries,

4. Ensuring the democratic integration of the Kurdish World with the Turkic World.

Conclusion

Turkey faces two major goals, internal and external. Internally: to expand democracy and freedoms, establish social justice, transform Turkey into an R&D society, and create a welfare society by restructuring the country and society. Externally: to resolutely pursue the European Union project, aiming for full membership, and finally to bring to life the thesis of "democratic integration of the Turkish and Kurdish Worlds."

Due to the goals of a welfare society and EU membership, this historical task falls more on social democrats or moderate democrats. The need for a pragmatic and courageous leader who can think big, both internally and externally, and manage this change, is becoming more and more evident every day.

There is a need for courageous statesmen who can unite and integrate Turks and Kurds, who live intertwined along the belt extending from China to Europe, on equal terms, and who can say: Kurdistan and Turan: One Homeland.

When the Greek philosopher Diogenes, walking through the streets of Athens with a lantern in broad daylight, was asked what he was doing, he held the lantern to people's faces and replied, "I am looking for a man, a man." We too are looking for statesmen with a broad vision, who believe in democracy, who will carry Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood from China to Europe, and who will solve problems.

*Articles published in Iğdır Doğuş Newspaper reflect the views of the authors. The articles may not coincide with the institutional perspective of Iğdır Doğuş Newspaper. All legal responsibility for the articles belongs to their authors.

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