Mandela and Öcalan

DEAR READERS: This article consists of two parts. I wrote the first part, "Mandela and Öcalan," two weeks ago and wanted to publish it in my newspaper column. When the newspaper owner said he couldn't publish it, the article remained with me. Today, in the first part, I will present the article I wrote two weeks ago for your attention. In the second part, I will evaluate the current political situation in Iğdır. The article is very long. My only wish, of course, is that you read it to the end.

PART ONE: MANDELA AND ÖCALAN First, I want to share with my readers, with all sincerity, why I wrote this article. My mother passed away in Ankara on September 5, 2019. According to her will, we buried her in the Karakuyu village cemetery in Iğdır. About a month later, my wife and I went to Iğdır to have her grave made. Previously, one had to wait at least six months to have a grave made, but now, with the use of special concrete blocks, this was no longer necessary. One evening, my wife and I drove to the Karakuyu village cemetery in a rented car. The craftsman who would make the grave was waiting for us. As we chatted, I saw a new grave being dug a few graves away. Moreover, the person digging the grave had also dug my mother's grave. There were 3-4 other people with him. I greeted them and approached. "May God have mercy on him!" I said. A young man replied in a quiet and sad tone, "Thank you!" When I asked, "Who passed away?" the same young man again replied in a quiet and sad tone: "Atila!" Of course, I didn't know Atila. He hadn't even mentioned his surname. The only thing I knew was that everyone buried in this cemetery was my relative. It was the largest cemetery of the Gêloî tribe. My mother, father, grandmothers, grandfathers, cousins, and my tribe had found their eternal rest here. I didn't know Atila personally, but if I were to trace our lineage, I knew we were relatives, perhaps sixth or seventh cousins. When I asked, "What was the cause of death?" the young man replied: "He died in a clash in the mountains! They informed the village headman. They've sent the body on its way. It will be here by midnight." I offered my condolences and returned to the craftsman who would make my mother's grave. We clarified what needed to be done. Since the tombstone was ready, he said he would come very early in the morning and finish the grave. My wife and I returned to the hotel. The next day, after breakfast, we returned to the Karakuyu village cemetery. The craftsman had kept his word, finished my mother's grave early, and left. My eyes fell on Atila's grave. He had been buried at midnight. There were two young people, aged 15-17, at his grave. One was clinging to the footstone, the other to the headstone, their eyes tired from crying, just standing there. I approached them. I recited the Fatiha and offered my condolences again. The young people didn't even lift their heads. "Was he young?" I asked. "Yes!" was the answer. I didn't want to press further. When I returned to my wife, there was a deep anger within me. An anger difficult to understand and describe... We got in the car and returned to the hotel. I got into bed and fell into thought. I dedicate this article to the young man named Atila, who lies silently in the Karakuyu village cemetery. May God have mercy on him! INTRODUCTION I know I am writing a difficult article because everyone has their own perspective and evaluation of political events and political parties. This perspective is deeply rooted in the minds of some, unchangeable. It's impossible to alter. When someone tries to change or criticize it, they react unconsciously. This is because they have paid a price, or continue to pay a price, for believing in a certain ideology for years. Either a family member, a cousin, a villager, or a friend has been killed in clashes. Death is not an easy situation to accept. It destroys common sense and strengthens the desire for revenge. I can anticipate that the reactions of my readers to the following article will sometimes be positive, sometimes negative. As an intellectual, my duty, whatever the cost, is to analyze what I see and share my thoughts with my readers. So, we can examine the PKK movement from its past to the present. Let's not forget that the PKK movement has been playing an active role in Turkish politics since 1978. In fact, since the first seeds of the PKK movement were sown in 1973, we are talking about the existence of a political party that has continued its existence for 47 years. That is half a century... There has been no other political struggle in world history that has lasted this long. Considering that the War of Independence lasted 3 years, we must recognize that we are facing a movement that has consumed two generations. Dozens of books and articles have been written about the PKK so far. However, since the PKK constantly changes its form and essence, many, if not all, of these books have no value. They are far from capturing the spirit of the times. Most books and articles have found it easy to evaluate the PKK movement along a single line (positive or negative), from a single perspective, or as a movement dependent on a single leader, but what they have written no longer has any value. In this article, after briefly mentioning Mandela, I will discuss the PKK and present the stages the organization has gone through to your attention. You are not obliged to agree with me, because we are facing a massive political movement that has continued its existence for 47 years. Within these 47 years, the 1980 Military Coup, the transition to democracy, the First and Second Gulf Wars, the Talabani-Barzani-PKK wars, ISIS, and the realities of Rojava have also taken place. And considering the ongoing situation, making an assessment about the PKK might seem impossible at first, but with a systematic approach, it is possible to see everything fall into place.

NELSON MANDELA Before explaining why I included Mandela's name, let's briefly look at Mandela's life: Mandela was born on July 18, 1918, in South Africa, as the son of a tribal chief named Madiba. He took part in the Anti-Apartheid movement. In South Africa, Blacks and Whites lived together, but Blacks were deprived of many rights. Mandela studied law and embraced the anti-colonial movement. He joined the ANC (African National Congress) and became a founding member of its youth wing. While working as a lawyer, he was constantly arrested for provocative activities. Although he initially stated that there would be non-violent protests, he collaborated with the South African Communist Party and founded the militant MK organization in 1961, which would later attack state targets. In 1962, he was arrested and sentenced to life imprisonment for conspiring to overthrow the government and sabotage. Mandela served his sentence first on Robben Island and then in Pollsmoor Prison. He was released in 1990. In 1994, he was elected president in the first elections in which all people participated. He worked to dismantle the legacy of apartheid, prevent racism, and eradicate poverty and inequality. Mandela gained international acclaim for his anti-colonial and anti-apartheid views and won over 250 awards, including the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993, the Presidential Medal of Freedom of the United States, and the Soviet Order of Lenin. In 1992, the Atatürk International Peace Prize was awarded to Nelson Mandela, President of the African National Congress. Mandela initially refused the award but later changed his mind and accepted it. Mandela cited the discrimination against the Kurdish people as his reason for not accepting the award. Mandela, seen as the "Father of the Nation" in South Africa, was removed from the US terrorist list in 2008. Hospitalized on June 8, 2013, Mandela passed away on December 5, 2013. I would like to explain why I included Mandela's life: Öcalan likens himself to Mandela, believing that one day he will be released like him and take his place at the pinnacle of politics, even be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. In fact, there are many similarities between the two. Is it a coincidence that both were imprisoned on an island for many years? However, there are also differences: While Öcalan emphasized violence from the very beginning, Mandela remained non-violent for many years. When he could not achieve results from the resistance movement, he founded the armed organization MK in 1961 and was captured in 1962. Öcalan, on the other hand, established an armed organization from the very beginning, and "violence" and "arms" formed the basis of his political struggle.

RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL HYPNOSIS The history of religion is full of false prophets. Even in Islam, while Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) was still alive, individuals named Musaylima / Sajah declared themselves "prophets" and even negotiated with Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). False prophets, false messiahs (saviors), and mahdis have always been an integral part of religious history. One died, another emerged. Sometimes they were extremely influential, gathering hundreds of thousands around them, and establishing rules, laws, and religious decrees to reorganize society as they wished. This situation existed in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. And it continues to exist. In Iran, Ayatollah Khomeini, in Turkey, Fethullah Gülen, were declared "Mahdi" by their followers, and both developed their own unique religious rituals and belief systems to save all humanity who were "on the wrong path." Those who believe in false messiahs are so engrossed in the messages given that they obey what is said without feeling the need to question the correctness of their actions or to reason. This is called "RELIGIOUS HYPNOSIS" in psychology. The same applies to politics. Instead of giving individual names, if we make a general assessment, the political history of humanity has been full of "false saviors, i.e., political false prophets." This habit continues. The duty of ordinary people like us is to protect ourselves from religious or political false prophets, not to be captivated by their charm and follow them. But this is not so easy. Whichever way the masses go, the wave carries you in that direction, even if you have the thought of swimming against the wave... To give examples from recent history, Hitler, Mussolini, Mao, Stalin saw themselves as saviors of humanity, and with this belief, they ruthlessly implemented their political programs and statutes. As a result, millions of people died, leaving behind bitter memories. While Hitler, Mussolini, Mao, and Stalin were alive, the price of uttering a single word against them or showing resistance meant death. All of them saw themselves as political "messiahs" appointed by "divine powers," and their followers fulfilled their wishes with sacrificial devotion without the slightest doubt. In the months following Hitler's suicide, the German people put their heads in their hands and experienced deep regret and shame, saying, "What happened to us? How did we believe such a madman? Did we not question ourselves at all?" This shame and guilt never left the old German generation and still hasn't. This is called "POLITICAL HYPNOSIS" in psychology. Today, the Kurdish people are largely under the influence of Öcalan's and the PKK's POLITICAL HYPNOSIS. They cannot think clearly.

THE BIRTH OF THE PKK From the early 1970s onwards, Kurdish youth, in increasing numbers each year, were graduating from high school and taking university entrance exams. When we look at the statistics of that period and the distribution by provinces, the chances of young people graduating from high schools in the Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions entering university were among the lowest. This meant that Kurdish youth were graduating from high school, but their career lives effectively ended because they couldn't get into university. High school graduate Kurdish youth were caught between two dilemmas: they couldn't find a chance to continue university, nor did they want to return and work in their fathers' professions such as agriculture and animal husbandry. The number of literate Kurdish youth who felt useless was growing like an avalanche. Here I would like to add a note: Since very few Kurdish girls graduated from high school, the predicament of Kurdish youth was more of a problem for boys. Even if Kurdish girls finished high school and couldn't get into university, they would marry the first suitor who came along and start a family life. After all, the man of the house would earn the money. But high school graduate Kurdish men did not dare to marry. How would they support their families? While Kurdish youth were in such a state of mind, political organizations infiltrated Kurdish youth, whispered magical formulas into their ears, and tried to find supporters. The important thing here was which political party could offer a "faster, more effective" ray of hope to the desperate hearts of Kurdish youth. Some Kurdish parties believed that these difficulties could be overcome by struggling within democratic rules but in a spirit of alliance with Turkish-origin political parties, and they educated their members in this direction. However, the youth were impatient. They had no time to wait. There was a resentment and desire for revenge accumulated in the heart of a Kurdish youth who had taken university exams 3-4 times. His heart was filled with a sense of rebellion against injustice. It was under these conditions that an organization called the PKK promised to solve this resentment and desire for revenge that choked the hearts of young people with a radical approach. In the PKK's charter and program, established in 1978, "armed propaganda and struggle" held an important place. Sentences were constructed that would particularly consider and appeal to the fetishism of weapons (worship of weapons) that had historically existed among Kurds, and Mao's saying "power grows out of the barrel of a gun" formed the essence of their charter and program. (When I went to villages in my childhood, the homeowner would proudly display his hunting rifle or similar weapons, handle the weapon as if touching a sacred book, praise its features, kiss it, and then hide it in the safest part of the house.) When the PKK invited Kurdish youth to armed struggle, this invitation received deep interest. Weapon fetishism and the culture of blood feuds accumulated over the years drew high school graduate Kurdish youth to the PKK like a magnet. Here I would like to make a note: When I write "PKK" in this article, I am also including parties such as ÖZHEP, ÖZDEP, DEP, HADEP, DTP, BDP, HDP, DBP, which have been established as continuations of each other from 1990 to the present, under this name. All of them are parties established by the will of the PKK, meaning they are proxy parties. Their general chairpersons have been determined either by Abdullah Öcalan or by Kandil. These parties may have been established in accordance with the statutes of political parties and may have held their congresses in accordance with the statutes, but their spirit has been shaped by the PKK, and their strings are pulled either in İmralı or Kandil. The fact that these parties use the political vacuum in this way under the guise of legal political parties does not hide the reality that these parties are equivalent to the PKK. The general chairpersons or ordinary members of these parties can never make a criticism that would challenge PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan or Kandil.

THE FIRST STAGE OF THE PKK: ELIMINATION OF KURDISH LEADERS In the initial establishment of the PKK, Turkish-origin revolutionaries also took part. In this sense, the PKK was an illegal political organization founded with an internationalist (Turkish and Kurdish) spirit by high school graduates or university dropouts. However, over time, it changed its essence and form, rapidly shifting to a different line. Secrecy and obedience to leadership were fundamental in the PKK. There was only one female militant among them: Kesire Öcalan. She had a legal marriage with Abdullah Öcalan in Turkey. In later years, she accused Abdullah Öcalan of being a "dictator" and settled in Sweden. The PKK's first action was not against the state. The PKK first targeted Kurdish political parties operating in the East and Southeast, which it called "Kurdistan," killed people from the leadership cadre, and intimidated Kurdish political movements. In the second stage, it targeted tribal leaders such as the Bucak tribe, and with this action, it gained the sympathy of the villagers. By 1980, the PKK was the most effective party in the East and Southeast. The PKK was also the most competent organization in terms of weapon use and the most numerous in terms of hitmen. Here, a parenthesis needs to be opened. The PKK did not only attack those who were not with it. Öcalan had an extremely egoistic and jealous nature. He eliminated the prominent leaders within the PKK one by one. One of them was Haki Karer, of Turkish origin, born in Gaziantep. He was more competent than Öcalan in terms of rhetoric, political consciousness, and charisma. He was killed in a coffeehouse in Gaziantep on May 18, 1977. The killing of Haki Karer resembles the assassination of US President Kennedy. As you know, Kennedy was killed in Dallas on November 22, 1963. Lee Harvey Oswald, arrested shortly after the assassination, was accused of carrying out the assassination. However, two days after his arrest, before he could be brought to trial, he was shot and killed by Jack Ruby. Ruby was sentenced to death. In this way, it was never fully known who had Kennedy killed. Haki Karer was killed in this way. Haki Karer is shot and seriously wounded. He is taken to the hospital. Someone pulls the life support tube in the hospital. Haki Karer dies. Thus, Abdullah Öcalan got rid of his first serious rival. Another potential rival, Kemal Pir, of Turkish origin from Gümüşhane, died on a hunger strike on July 14, 1982. It was Öcalan himself who forced him onto the hunger strike. Öcalan was relieved in a sense. He also forced another potential rival, Mazlum Doğan, to set himself on fire in prison. What kind of prison is this that a gasoline tank was smuggled inside? Öcalan was relieved, albeit for a short time, in terms of rivals within the party. He constantly threatened important Kurdish leaders in Europe such as Kemal Burkay, İhsan Aksoy, and Kendal Nezan with death, effectively preventing them from breathing. I was working as an engineer in Paris when Hüseyin Ali Akagündüz, the President of KOMKAR France, was cowardly shot and killed from behind by the PKK as he was getting off the St. Denis metro, where Turks and Kurds were concentrated, in Paris. There was a small bookstore in the St. Denis area that sold Turkish and Kurdish books. I used to stop by there occasionally and buy the latest books. After the brutal execution by the PKK, my feet did not want to go to that metro. I would get off one metro stop later and go to the bookstore. In short, Öcalan had seized all political control in Turkey and abroad by ruthlessly eliminating or intimidating his rivals within the Kurdish movement. He had now become a "prophet."

THE SECOND STAGE OF THE PKK: ENTERING THE PROTECTION OF HAFIZ AL-ASSAD The second stage of the PKK begins with the 1980 Military Coup. Most of the leadership cadre fled abroad. Syria had been in conflict with Turkey for years on three issues: First, the Hatay issue: Syria considers Hatay its own province. Hatay province is still shown within Syria's borders on Syria's official maps. Second, the sharing of the Euphrates River: Syria did not consider the dams built by the Republic of Turkey on the Euphrates River, which flows through Turkey, to be fair in terms of water distribution, claiming that this situation was contrary to international agreements. (This tension increased even further when the GAP project was implemented in 1989.) Third, the Tomb of Süleyman Shah: Süleyman Shah is the grandfather of Osman Gazi, the founder of the Ottoman Empire. His tomb was in Syrian territory. The tomb, located within the borders of the village of Eşme in Aleppo province, was the only piece of land with exclave status owned by Turkey outside its own borders. The Syrian government demanded the removal of the tomb because this area was a piece of land belonging to the Turkish State. Syria opened its doors to the PKK and its leadership cadre to turn its bargaining power in its favor on issues of dispute with Turkey. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was already under Syrian control. The PKK settled in the Bekaa Valley in eastern Lebanon. A certain area was allocated to the PKK. Abdullah Öcalan managed the organization sometimes in the Bekaa Valley but mostly in Damascus. The ruthless and unjust executions carried out by the Military Junta in Turkey, without distinguishing between right-wing and left-wing, and the pressure it exerted on the people, drew the youth targeted by the Military Junta to the Bekaa Valley. In Bekaa, an increasing number of left-wing and revolutionary youth of Turkish and Kurdish origin gathered, receiving armed training with the support and protection of Hafiz al-Assad.

THE THIRD STAGE OF THE PKK: MAHSUM KORKMAZ The year is 1984. Hafiz al-Assad wanted the PKK to attack the Republic of Turkey and hoped to negotiate with the government using the PKK. Therefore, the PKK's offensive in 1984 was not its own decision or initiative. Hafiz al-Assad, who protected and nourished the PKK financially, now wanted to see action. On August 15, 1984, two different PKK groups led by Mahsum Korkmaz attacked the districts of Eruh in Siirt and Şemdinli in Hakkâri. The importance of this attack was that: For the first time since September 12, 1980, a resistance was launched against the Military Junta that ruled the country, challenging the military dictatorship. The news of the Eruh and Şemdinli raids created excitement in the left-wing circles (Turkish and Kurdish) that had been silent for four years, and it was considered the first spark of a popular movement to get rid of the Junta. In a short time, the fame and influence of Mahsum Korkmaz, who coordinated, managed, and personally fought on the front lines with a weapon, surpassed Abdullah Öcalan's. Here I want to make an important reminder to my readers: Throughout human history, masses have valued and appreciated leaders who fought at the forefront with them. There are many examples of this in history. Even Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) himself left Mecca after ensuring that all Muslims had safely gone to Ethiopia and Medina, and arrived in Medina after a risky journey. Again, for example, in the Battle of Uhud, Prophet Muhammad went before the army and was slightly wounded in the battle. Thanks to this courage, the small Muslim army heroically resisted the Quraish army. I want to give another example: In 331 BC, the army of Alexander the Great and the army of the Persian Emperor Darius confronted each other in what is now the city of Dohuk (Gaugamela). Alexander the Great's army consisted of about 45,000 heavy and light infantry and about 7,000 cavalry. In contrast, Darius's army had 80,000 infantry and 40,000 cavalry. At first glance, it was certain that Darius would win the war. But one thing was forgotten: While Darius watched the war from a distant hill with his guards, Alexander the Great personally fought with his soldiers. This kept the morale of Alexander the Great's army high, and they destroyed the enemy forces they encountered. Darius managed to save his life by fleeing. In historical literature, commanders who stayed behind the front line like Darius, ready to save themselves at any moment, were given the title of False Prophet. A similar situation occurred between Mahsum Korkmaz and Abdullah Öcalan. While Abdullah Öcalan waited for news from the raid in his comfortable villa in Damascus, Mahsum Korkmaz was in the attack with his fighters. Therefore, the love and trust for Mahsum Korkmaz far surpassed Abdullah Öcalan's. Undoubtedly, this situation caused jealousy in Abdullah Öcalan, who had fallen into the situation of a False Prophet. Mahsum Korkmaz was killed on March 28, 1986, on Mount Gabar, where he had gone for reconnaissance. Abdullah Öcalan had Mahsum Korkmaz killed because he could not exist without his elimination. Mahsum Korkmaz, the leader of the Eruh and Şemdinli raids, is actually the true leader of the PKK. Because until 1984, the Kurdish and Turkish left were angry and distant from the PKK movement due to the killing of their leaders and members by the PKK. With Mahsum Korkmaz challenging the Military Junta, the perception of the PKK changed, and it gained the sympathy of the masses. The PKK suddenly created excitement in the hearts of all Kurds, motivating them to join the struggle. The massification of the PKK began with Mahsum Korkmaz.

THE FOURTH STAGE OF THE PKK: KURDISH GIRLS GOING TO THE MOUNTAINS The fourth stage of the PKK is the infiltration of propaganda units into the East and Southeast and the intensive participation of women in the party. We can list the factors that brought about the PKK movement and enabled its existence since 1978 as follows: First; the abandoned, resentful high school graduate Kurdish youth; Second; the adoption of armed struggle, which is a fetish among Kurds; Third; the logistical support of Hafiz al-Assad; Fourth; Mahsum Korkmaz's personal participation in and leadership of the Eruh and Şemdinli raids; Fifth; the participation of Kurdish girls in the movement; Sixth; financial and moral support from the Kurdish diaspora living in European countries. The most distinctive feature of the fourth stage is that Kurdish girls also received training as fighters in the Bekaa Valley and traveled from village to village with propaganda units. Young peasant and tribal Kurdish girls, who had lived as slaves to men for centuries, were inspired when they saw female fighters carrying weapons on their shoulders, and they joined the PKK movement in large numbers. It was impossible for parents to prevent this situation. There is no doubt that the women's factor brought a new dynamism to the PKK movement. Just as slaves abandoned their masters and fled to the mountains to gather around Spartacus, Kurdish girls rebelled against the family and tribal values that stifled their freedom, and joined the PKK with great hope. The fact that girls also wore fighter uniforms and participated in clashes deeply affected Kurdish society, and a new social order emerged. Even the PKK had not foreseen such a situation. Another important feature of the fourth stage is that it created excitement among Kurds living in Europe, and the money collected was placed at the disposal of the PKK. A group of hitmen was also formed in Europe, and Kurdish intellectuals who wrote against the PKK were targeted one by one and silenced. Now, almost all Kurds in Turkey were under the umbrella of the PKK. This situation elevated Abdullah Öcalan to the status of a "prophet," and he even declared himself a prophet in some of his speeches. It was frequently reported in the press that he told his lawyers in İmralı, "Prophethood has come to me. I will stop this bloodshed. I will bring peace."

THE FIFTH STAGE OF THE PKK: The participation of uneducated and primary school graduate Kurdish youth in the PKK constitutes the fifth stage. Since the core cadre of the PKK consisted of high school graduates or university dropouts, there was a theoretical richness and perception. Education was given on the basic principles of socialism, and the unity of theory and practice was emphasized. However, when uneducated Kurdish youth joined the PKK, a serious problem arose: First, the newly arrived uneducated segment was not interested in theory. They passed through educational programs indifferently. They didn't even know why they were fighting. Second, uneducated cadres were theoretically weak, but they acted more courageously and selflessly in clashes than high school graduates. Third, very soon, the decision-making cadres of the PKK fell into the hands of uneducated Kurdish youth, and since the theoretical aspect of the war was not strong, the clashes turned into ordinary actions without a political goal. This understanding, which can be summarized as "killing soldiers to kill soldiers," became part of the PKK's general strategy. Innocent soldiers were martyred in these meaningless clashes, causing great pain. Fourth, the uneducated cadres used the weapons in their hands for their tribal identity and past hatreds and reckonings, and the essence of the PKK completely changed. Fifth, the militia forces established in villages and neighborhoods turned the money collection into personal gain, slandering their rivals as "agents, traitors" and executing them. A new wealthy class emerged with the money collected using the PKK's name. Sixth, since uneducated cadres fought well, they rose to higher positions in the PKK, and university graduates who joined the PKK from within and outside the country were treated as "agents of a state" due to their inferiority complex, and most were executed innocently. Here I would like to compare the PKK's peasant movement with Mao's peasant movement. Mao attached importance to the theoretical education of peasant fighters. The fighting peasants fought with the belief that "since there is no proletarian force to establish socialism in China, we will establish socialism on their behalf, and after seizing power, we will hand it over to the working class."

THE SIXTH STAGE OF THE PKK: THE "CULT OF MARTYRDOM" Martyrdom is a sacred concept. In its true sense, it means sacrificing one's life for religion. However, today, every political party or ideology refers to its killed supporters as "martyrs." This tradition also existed in the 1970s. For example, both ülkücüler (Turkish nationalists) and revolutionaries declared their killed supporters as "martyrs." Similarly, the PKK also adopted the concept of "martyr" or "martyrdom," giving it a new meaning. Thus, an effective and undisputed "cult of martyrdom" was created within the party and among its supporters. When one reads what is written in PKK publications about those who died in clashes in the PKK ranks, martyrdom is described as a "desired rank," and with this feeling and definition, the families of the fallen fighters are comforted and honored in a sense. When it was said, "He fell a martyr for Kurdistan!" there could be no family member to object to this statement. The PKK also tried to reduce the reaction of the families of those it executed in the mountains by declaring them "martyrs." One of Öcalan's greatest talents, just like Stalin, is to carry the coffins of his rivals whom he secretly executed and shed tears. Stalin saw Kirov as a rival. He had him killed. He sent Kirov off on his last journey with a magnificent funeral ceremony that overshadowed even Lenin's funeral. He named many important buildings, cities, and theaters "Kirov." Öcalan, directly or indirectly, had many fighters like Kemal Pir, Mazlum Doğan, Mahsum Korkmaz, and Haki Karer, who carried only the belief in socialism in their hearts, killed by his own hand, established academies in their names, and commemorated their death anniversaries with pompous words. I can say that if the PKK movement has continued its existence until today, two important strategies have provided this opportunity: the participation of girls in the movement and the glorification of the "cult of martyrdom."

THE SEVENTH STAGE OF THE PKK: THE COLLAPSE OF SOCIALISM AND THE PKK When the Soviet Union disintegrated in 1990, nationalist movements began to emerge everywhere. Countries like Azerbaijan, Georgia, Armenia, etc., declared their independence. Until then, there were a considerable number of Turkish-origin militants in the PKK movement. In the new era, as nationalist values came to the forefront, the party lost its internationalist spirit, and there were serious defections from the movement. The PKK first transformed into a socialist and nationalist Kurdish movement, and then into solely a nationalist movement. However, since this nationalism brought systematic oppression with it, the nationalist vein reduced the PKK movement to a fascist essence. Over time, as socialism also lost its theoretical power, the only condition for the PKK's existence became to survive through ruthless violence, death, assassinations, and suicide bombings, and in this way, to give hope to its supporters.

THE EIGHTH STAGE OF THE PKK: AN EXCUSE, AN EXECUTION The fifth stage of the PKK is the formation of militia forces in every village and every neighborhood. With this form of organization, which gained momentum from 1990 onwards, the PKK was planning a mass uprising. Fighters would descend from the mountains to the cities, and the militias would also take action at the same time. But one thing was forgotten: there were blood feuds among Kurds in every village and every neighborhood. The armed militia forces began arbitrary executions. The PKK militants and militia forces, lacking theoretical training, had learned four words: "Agent, Traitor, Opportunist, Revisionist." For example, when the mountain cadre interrogated a militia force that carried out an execution in the village, the only word that came out of the militia's mouth was: "He was an agent. I shot and killed him!" This culture quickly took root within the PKK. For example, if a provincial chairman embezzled money and this was approved by the Supreme Court, covering up his fault by portraying someone as an agent to camouflage this is a continuation of this understanding. Exactly such an understanding took root within the PKK, everyone accused each other of being agents and traitors, and thousands in the mountain cadres were executed or imprisoned. This culture still continues. In short, the most important discovery the PKK made in the 1990s was to declare anyone who came along an "agent and traitor" and get rid of them by killing them. In this process, which was no less than Stalin's terror, a different Öcalan, full of hatred and revenge, emerged.

THE EIGHTH STAGE OF THE PKK: LEGAL PARTIES The eighth stage of the PKK is its effort to establish legal parties under its own control within the parliamentary system in Turkey. For this purpose, parties named ÖZHEP, ÖZDEP, DEP, HADEP, DTP, BDP, HDP, DBP were established in sequence. Continuity was ensured by keeping a second party in reserve before one was closed down. The general chairpersons of the parties were determined either by Abdullah Öcalan or by Kandil. While continuing the armed struggle on the one hand, the desire to have a say in the parliamentary system on the other created a contradiction, and therefore stable structures did not emerge. During election times, lists were determined by Öcalan or Kandil, and since armed and militia forces from the mountain cadre were active in villages and neighborhoods, the will of the people was not freely reflected in the ballot box. This tradition is still maintained. The armed force of the PKK also poses a threat to other Kurdish parties, preventing them from conducting election campaigns in a democratic and equal manner. As long as this dual structure of the PKK (arms and olive branch) continues, the contribution of Kurds to democracy in Turkey will not be possible.

THE NINTH STAGE OF THE PKK: ÖCALAN'S CAPTURE Turkey's dissatisfaction with the PKK had reached its peak. When it increased its military and diplomatic pressure on Syria, Hafiz al-Assad sent Abdullah Öcalan and Ayfer Kaya, the PKK's representative in Greece, to Greece on a Syrian plane on October 9, 1998. Öcalan, whose asylum request was rejected and who was told to leave the country within three hours, went to Moscow by private jet. Öcalan's asylum request to Russia on November 4 was accepted by the lower house of the Russian Parliament, the Duma, but the Russian government asked Öcalan to leave the country. On November 12, a member of the Italian Communist Refoundation Party came to Moscow, met with Öcalan, and took him to Rome. Öcalan, who arrived in Rome with a fake passport, was arrested. Turkey demanded Öcalan's extradition, but Italy refused. The Italian government made efforts to send Öcalan to Germany. During this time, the PKK organized violent actions in Western Europe, and an unofficial boycott against Italian products and services took place in Turkey. Under these circumstances, Germany preferred to stay out of the problem by not requesting Öcalan from Italy. Meanwhile, Italian courts had released Öcalan, and Öcalan had settled in a villa outside Rome. A group from the Greek government initiated efforts to send Öcalan somewhere in Africa. On January 31, 1999, Öcalan flew to Greece once again. From there, he was taken to Nairobi and hosted at the Greek Embassy in Kenya. With the pressure on him reduced, Öcalan began to communicate with his friends using his mobile phone. Abdullah Öcalan, whose calls were traced and location determined, left his home on February 15, 1999, with a Republic of Cyprus passport issued in the name of Lazaros Mavros, to go to the Nairobi Airport to travel to the Netherlands, where he had requested political asylum. European countries did not consider Abdullah Öcalan's asylum in Europe appropriate in terms of their relations with Turkey. In the worst case, Öcalan's handover to Turkey by one of the European countries would be a disgrace and a difficult situation to overcome for Europe, which had supported the Kurdish issue for years. The best option was to carry out this handover through a country in Africa. When Abdullah Öcalan arrived at the airport, he was taken from the Kenyan security units by the Maroon Berets who had arrived from Turkey on a special plane and taken to Turkey. His first words to the officer on the plane were, "I love my country. My mother was also Turkish. If I have a chance to serve, I will. Other than that, don't tell me anything. If service is needed, I will do it. I will serve when I return to Turkey. If you give me a chance, I will serve."

THE TENTH STAGE OF THE PKK: THE BIRTH OF THE FALSE PROPHET Mahsum Korkmaz fought on the front lines, never feeling the need to keep himself safe in the background. But Abdullah Öcalan proved to be a false prophet for four reasons: First; instead of fleeing to the mountains of Kurdistan and continuing the struggle with the fighters he sent to their deaths, his attempt to save his life by fleeing from one country to another like Darius caused disappointment. Second; his words on the plane, "I love my country. My mother was also Turkish. If I have a chance to serve, I will. Other than that, don't tell me anything. If service is needed, I will do it. I will serve when I return to Turkey. If you give me a chance, I will serve," were met with astonishment and hatred by PKK members. Third; Abdullah Öcalan, who was monitored 24 hours a day in his super-secure cell in İmralı and apologized at the first hearing, saying "I want to live" 32 times, shocking even his lawyers, told his close contacts, "Prophethood has come to me. I will stop this bloodshed. I will bring peace." Fourth; his statement in court, "I did not fire a single bullet. The PKK's actions are beyond my knowledge. I had no knowledge of this," was another expression of cowardice. Considering these words, which insult those who fought and died in the mountains believing in the PKK cause, Abdullah Öcalan was confirmed as the "False Prophet" of the Kurds. What saddens me most as a human being is that during or after Abdullah Öcalan's capture, dozens of Kurdish youth set themselves on fire and died to improve prison conditions. All these events have seated Öcalan in the undisputed "prophet" chair. All these are the results of political hypnosis. When Hitler died, Germans thought life was over, but in a short time, believing in democracy, they created one of the richest countries in the world from a Germany whose cities were razed to the ground. The PKK has created "small false prophets" before. Where is Şemdin Sakık, whose name was once constantly in the headlines, and what is he writing now? Where is Osman Öcalan, has he forgotten the tortures he inflicted on innocent fighters in the mountains, or what contributions is he making to the PKK movement now?

THE ELEVENTH STAGE OF THE PKK: THE REDEFINITION OF SEXUALITY IN THE PKK AND ÖCALAN'S THESIS-PRODUCING DISEASE In its initial establishment, the PKK showed a very serious discipline and approach regarding sexuality. This seriousness continued for a while, but very soon, a situation arose where "sexuality" could not be managed. To relieve the militants in this regard, the concept of "free sex" was accepted after 2004. Revolutionary marriages gained momentum among those fighting in the mountains. In fact, the PKK very skillfully used the concept of sexuality to make the mountains a center of attraction for young people, and from this concept, it created a political synergy. Öcalan is experiencing serious confusion regarding gender. In recent years, he has developed a thesis under the name of Jineology, advancing it as a doctrine encompassing feminism and gender equality. Jineology, derived from the Kurdish word "jin" meaning woman, can be described as 'the science of women'. It is referred to as "Kurdish feminism" in various sources. Öcalan states that "a country cannot be free as long as women are not free" and "women's freedom determines the level of freedom in society," based on honor-based religious and tribal rules that oppress women in regional societies. However, these are just words that remain on paper. Horrific events have occurred in practice. Öcalan also developed his Jineology thesis without being able to free himself from this gender dependency. Of course, this lacks credibility. He constantly develops incredible theses, wanting to be perceived as a theoretician like Mao and to be respected on this basis. Since he assumes himself to be a "prophet," he insists that every word he says be memorized like "verses." While Öcalan lived in Bekaa and Damascus, he made it a part of his life to walk around and pose with young girls, just like Mao and North Korean President Kim Jong-Un. He must have developed a thesis (!) called Jineology based on this experience. Kurds do not need a Mao or a Kim Jong-Un. They need understandings that believe in democracy and aim for political formations based on the struggle for democracy. Despite 47 years, there has been no change whatsoever in the family structure in the East and Southeast. Perhaps bride price and abduction incidents have decreased, but in their place, honor killings have increased. This change would have happened even without the PKK. As women gain economic independence, whether the PKK exists or not, society is bound to undergo a natural change. Do not forget that 47 years means almost half a century.

THE TWELFTH STAGE OF THE PKK: THE PKK, THE TRENCH INCIDENTS, AND FETÖ Öcalan has always taken a step back in his rhetoric. He abandoned the cause of a Greater Kurdistan and embraced the discourse of only Turkish Kurdistan, then accepted that federalism and autonomy would be sufficient, and his final point was to put forward an absurd theory called democratic confederalism. Of course, all these changes are not convincing. The PKK, which talks about a democratic society, suddenly wanted to create a liberated zone with the Trench Incidents by cooperating with FETÖ. This is proof that PKK politics has not developed along a reliable line. Who will account for the Kurdish youth buried in the trenches?

THE THIRTEENTH STAGE OF THE PKK: SELAHATTİN DEMİRTAŞ AND MAZLUM KOBANE Öcalan currently sees two rivals: Selahattin Demirtaş and Mazlum Kobane, the General Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). At the last congress, we witnessed Selahattin Demirtaş fall out of favor. When Selahattin Demirtaş, who was imprisoned, published his first book, it sold out because Öcalan gave the "green" light. His second book received 50% less interest because Öcalan gave the "yellow" light. My advice to Selahattin Demirtaş is not to write his third book. It will sell "nothing" because Öcalan has already given Selahattin Demirtaş the "red" light. Selahattin Demirtaş, with his superior talents, thus reduced himself to a "novel" writer in the eyes of the public, and he wanted the public to see this. If I were Demirtaş, I would share my knowledge and experience about PKK history with my readers and write about the aspects I see as lacking in the Kurdish movement. I understand that this behavior requires courage because Öcalan's execution mechanism can be activated at any moment. I hope Demirtaş proves his courage and comes to the agenda with politically charged books. Now it's Mazlum Kobane's turn, who has direct phone calls with the US President. Let's see what his fate will be? Öcalan is currently watching Mazlum Kobane's maneuvers with great envy and jealousy, but we will all soon see Mazlum Kobane marginalized and rendered insignificant.

THE FOURTEENTH STAGE OF THE PKK: THE WHITE WOMAN After Abdullah Öcalan's capture, the PKK, whose money flow and income sources decreased, had to prioritize drug and cannabis trafficking to survive. To secure this connection, it entered into a different relationship with the Kurdish drug mafia, which has been managing the drug network coming from Afghanistan-Iran and delivered to Europe via Turkey for years. Previously, the PKK was content with merely taking a share from drug trafficking, but this time it ensured that individuals or families coordinating drug trafficking took part in its seemingly legal parties and paved their way. The most important of these is the White Woman. The White Woman, at İmralı's request, took on the highest position in the party, securing the PKK's ties with drug barons. The White Woman contributes to the extension of a branch of drug trafficking, traditionally entering the country via Hakkari and Van, to metropolitan areas and Europe via Iğdır, using certain tribes. Thanks to this drug trafficking, new rich people have emerged like mushrooms, and the PKK's politics and drug trafficking have become an inseparable whole. During this process, especially in a region like Iğdır where drugs enter, drug addiction among young people has increased, and many are still struggling to receive treatment. The White Woman also treats those who show loyalty to her as "princes" and arbitrarily appoints them as Mayors, Members of Parliament, or Provincial Chairpersons. So far, this mechanism has worked flawlessly.

THE LEGEND OF THE TYRANT DEHAK There is a hero named Kawa, whose name is constantly on the lips of Iranian peoples, especially the Kurds. The legend goes like this: As King Dehak sucks the blood of his people, the poison in his brain turns into a tumor, and he falls into the grip of a deadly disease. Dehak writhes in pain and is bedridden, and no cure can be found for his illness. The doctors of the time suggest that the brains of young people and children be applied to the wound to relieve his pain, close his wound, and heal his illness. Thus, a massacre begins in the geography of Iran that lasts for months, even years; every day, the heads of two young people forcibly taken from their parents are cut off, and their brains are applied as an ointment to Dehak's wound. The people are helpless and powerless. While the young people are being slaughtered, it is the turn of the youngest son of a blacksmith named Kawa, who had previously lost 17 sons in this way. As young people are taken away by Dehak's soldiers every day to be beheaded, Kawa gets the idea of rebellion and explains this to a few trusted people around him. In his blacksmith shop, he makes a Gürz-ü Kember (a round iron mace with sharp iron pieces at the end) as a weapon from iron and at the same time trains those around him for rebellion. This movement slowly begins to spread. On the night connecting March 20 to 21, the resistance against the tyrant Dehak begins. That night, the king's palace is captured by the rebels. At the same time, this resistance continues in all the lands under Dehak's rule. The rebels communicate with each other by lighting fires in the mountains. Kawa brings down his Gürz-ü Kember on Dehak's head. When the resistance ends, Kawa's popular movement overthrows Dehak and his rule. The people, rejoicing, run to the mountains and begin to dance around these fires. Thousands of innocent Kurdish youth die in the mountains every year because of the poisonous thoughts in Öcalan's brain. The Kurdish people are tired of keeping Öcalan alive as a "prophet." The Kurdish people are waiting for their Kawa, who will save them with his Gürz-ü Kember in hand. CONCLUSION: Öcalan can never be a Mandela. The historical conditions in which both found themselves were very different. Mandela accepted democratic resistance as a way of life, struggled in this direction for many years, and only when white soldiers arbitrarily massacred blacks in ghettos (poor areas) for no reason, did he establish a secret organization and was captured a year later. While in prison, he never advocated armed struggle, basing his actions on civil resistance and disobedience learned from Gandhi. On the other hand, neither the PKK nor its seemingly legal parties have a democratic structure. Co-chairs are determined according to orders from İmralı or Kandil, and when necessary, militia forces or mountain cadres intervene to ensure that the PKK's seemingly legal parties receive votes in elections, threatening and subjugating the will of the people. Having armed forces and using them as it wishes has turned the PKK into a spoiled movement. When the drug mafia culture is added to this structure, a Frankenstein, a strange structure, has emerged. Hundreds of thousands of people of Kurdish origin, who sincerely believe in Kurdish identity rights and especially those living in metropolitan areas, innocently vote for the PKK's legal parties without realizing the games being played. In this way, they believe they are upholding Kurdish identity rights. What a big mistake! In short, PKK politics has turned into an inextricable labyrinth. Alexander the Great, on his way through Anatolia to Persia, stops at the city of Gordion. A huge knot hangs in the middle of the city. According to legend, whoever unties this knot will rule the world. Alexander the Great, without thinking, draws his sword and unties the knot made of thick rope with one stroke. The PKK has been weaving a labyrinth around the Kurds with individual stones for years. There is a need for an Alexander the Great who will sweep away this labyrinthine structure, with its national and international dimensions, in one blow. And he will come soon... His name is DEMOCRACY.

For Kurds to wage their identity struggle, it will be sufficient for them to grasp the intricacies of democracy and build structures on this basis. They must cease activities such as mountains, weapons, agents, betrayal, executions, sacrificing innocent youth in clashes, drug trafficking, dancing with external powers, allegiance to a false prophet, and constantly producing new theories. They must lay down their arms and withdraw their hands from innocent Kurdish youth to contribute to the start of this process. The PKK movement, which has caused the death and suffering of thousands of people for 47 years, has not advanced the Kurdish identity struggle even an inch. Even on issues such as the right to education in the mother tongue, no strategy has been followed, nor has it been able to keep this on the diplomatic and political agenda. Yes, young Atila! While you sleep in the Karakuyu cemetery, the White Woman's child continues her education in the largest city in Europe, sitting on your innocent and faithful struggle. I wonder if you knew about this?

PART TWO: APPOINTMENT OF A TRUSTEE IN IĞDIR AND TWO THIEVES In the elections of July 22, 2007, I ran as an Independent Social Democrat. In those years, the Democratic Society Party (DTP), the shadow party of the PKK, was hesitant about whether to enter the elections as an Independent or as a Party. If they entered as a party, it was not certain whether they would pass the 10% threshold. These discussions continued for a long time. Parliament decided on early elections on May 4, 2007. I had attended an International Energy Symposium in Moscow. I cut the symposium short and came to Ankara. I kissed my mother's hand and said, "I have decided to run as an independent candidate!" and went to Iğdır. I was the first Independent Candidate. After me, the late Süleyman Taşkınsu, Nevzat Aras, and Haydar Mızrak also announced their independent candidacies. It was late May, and the DTP had not yet decided whether to participate in the elections as a party or as independents. At the meeting, they decided to enter the elections as independents and, after being elected, to join the DTP to form a group in Parliament. In Iğdır, Pervin Buldan was nominated as an independent candidate. Later, other parties also announced their Iğdır candidates through central polling. Yücel Artantaş was first on the CHP list, Ali Güner was first on the AK Party list, and Abbas Bozyel was first on the MHP list. Abbas Bozyel was fighting gentlemanly, but Yücel Artantaş was spreading rumors everywhere he went, saying, "Mücahit Özden Hun withdrew in favor of Pervin Buldan. The Kurds united. We Azeris should also unite around me." The elections started with these candidates and gained momentum. Pervin Buldan was alone at first, and there weren't many people around her because Mehmet Nuri Güneş thought the right to candidacy belonged to him and kept his distance. When Mehmet Nuri Güneş was convinced, crowds began to gather around Pervin Buldan. Moreover, buses full of young people were brought from Ağrı and Istanbul to Iğdır to work for Pervin Buldan. The Mayor was Nurettin Aras. He left the MHP because of a conflict with Bahçeli. He nominated his nephew Nevzat Aras as an independent candidate. A draw would be held at the Provincial Election Board to determine the positions of the independent candidates on the list. Haydar Mızrak withdrew from the election in favor of Pervin Buldan. Pervin Buldan came with Murat Yikit. The draws were made, and the positions were determined. Now the election campaigns had started at full speed. Increasing pressure was put on me by the PKK's militia forces. My pictures were torn, and the distribution of my brochures was prevented. I was staying at the Olimpia Hotel. An acquaintance from Karakuyu village, whose name I will not mention, came to the hotel and openly told me to withdraw my candidacy and return to Ankara immediately tomorrow, or I would be killed. The PKK had made this decision. Of course, I ignored the threat. If I were killed, the place where I would be buried was the Karakuyu cemetery, where my father and relatives were. This was not a situation that would scare me. The next day, I continued my election campaign. I had rented a taxi from a relative. After a while, he stopped coming, unable to withstand the threats. When I went out and distributed my brochures, no one from my siblings, cousins, or relatives dared to approach me out of fear. They only came to the hotel in the evenings to chat, but they did not dare to go out into the streets and villages. I traveled to all the villages with a different taxi driver every day. I constantly received threats by phone, asking me to give up the election. I had been declared a "traitor and agent." I didn't care much! The same people had declared my late father a "counter-guerrilla" years ago. I was determined to resist until the end of the election. Of my brothers, only Hacı Ahmet Hun was in Iğdır. I had not received even a single phone call from Atila Hun saying "Good luck," but everywhere I went, voters said, "First let Atila come and account for himself, then we will consider your candidacy." I honestly didn't know whether to introduce myself or to account for Atila Hun. Hacı Ahmet was with me for the first few days, but as the pressure increased, he couldn't leave his house. I was now completely alone. My agent status was being promoted every day. First, I became a MIT agent, then a French agent, then a CIA agent. Moreover, rumors were circulating among my relatives that I was "crazy." My cousins, covered in chadors, went from house to house holding meetings against me. One day, my cousin Ümit Alagöz came to the hotel and openly threatened me. Meanwhile, an acquaintance, whose name I will not mention, brought two strange individuals to the hotel at 2 AM. The young man at the Olimpia Hotel reception must have realized they were hitmen, because he called and loudly said, "Officer, they are trying to force their way into a car in front of our hotel," and the two hitmen left. Finally, election day arrived. In all Kurdish villages, the PKK was forcing voters to cast open votes. I called the Governor and informed him of the situation. He hung up the phone, saying, "There's nothing I can do!" In that election, I received 301 votes. These 301 votes meant 300,000 votes to me because all my family had voted for either the AK Party or the Independent Pervin Buldan. I forgot all the fraud, the forced open voting, the threats, the accusations of being an agent, everything, after the election results were announced by the Election Board. Ali Güner and Pervin Buldan had won. The next day, before leaving Iğdır, I published an advertisement in the newspaper published by Osman Toka, conveying my wishes for success to the newly elected Members of Parliament, and left Iğdır. Traveling from village to village during this election had taught me a lot. First, I had a better understanding of the PKK phenomenon. I also witnessed Pervin Buldan rewarding those who helped her in turn. Mehmet Nuri Güneş was elected Mayor. When Mehmet Nuri Güneş was arrested, Pervin Buldan, using her influence in the Municipal Council, had Hüseyin Malk appointed mayor to honor the Malk family, who had worked selflessly for her. In the next municipal elections, Murat Yikit, who never left her side, was nominated. Now, she has made Haydar Mızrak, who withdrew from his independent parliamentary candidacy in her favor, the HDP Provincial Chairman. It is sad that Mehmet Nuri Güneş, who signed with Yaşar Kaya that my father was a "counter-guerrilla," was declared a traitor by the PKK when he was arrested because he did not participate in the hunger strike in prison. I know he made great efforts to redeem himself. I filed a lawsuit against Haydar Mızrak for embezzling the money from the canals belonging to our family. I won the case. The Supreme Court also upheld the decision. Haydar Mızrak transferred all his assets to others for fear of seizure. He should know that I can apply to the Bar Association with a seizure order at any time and have his law profession terminated. Currently, two thieves are fighting each other in Iğdır, one trying to gather Azeris around him, the other Kurds. The Governor is a Thief of Democracy. He stole Yaşar Akkuş Bey's seat. Even if Yaşar Akkuş was elected by fraud, the YSK declared him Mayor. There was also clear fraud in my election. The Governor did not intervene. Despite this, I wished success to the winners. It is my duty as a citizen to remind the Governor to stop his Theft of Democracy and return to his duty. The other thief is Haydar Mızrak, who embezzled money. Iğdır is stuck between the fight of two thieves. Don't worry, democracy and law will destroy both of you. Neither the fascist practices of the state, nor the PKK, nor the HDP will remain. A new Turkey will be born. When? One day, of course!

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