Iğdır and the Mount Ararat Rebellion – Part 4

KOTAN-SAKAN AND GELOYLU-KIZILBAŞOĞLU TRIBAL CONFLICTS

INTRODUCTION

Dear reader! As I wish to address topics in their entirety, I wanted to present two significant tribal conflicts that occurred during the years of the Mount Ararat Rebellion together. The article will be long, but I hope it will offer my reader a comprehensive overview.

I can almost hear the connotations that the word "tribe" evokes in the minds of many of my readers: feudalism, reactionism, primitivism, blood feuds, lawlessness… I have no intention of refuting all these definitions and expressions or proving the opposite. Let the word "tribe" retain whatever connotation it holds for you. But I would like you to join me in looking at another aspect of the matter. The subject I am addressing might not excite you in a century where smartphones are in everyone's pocket, but remember that every piece of knowledge is an acquisition.

Eşir, aşiret, kabile, or oymak (all terms for tribe/clan)... The rule is constant. People gather around a leader, bound by blood, and face the challenges of nature and social life as a whole. Every tribe is essentially like "a small state" on its own. It molds its own values, creates its own identity. It is its own master. It does not want to be in the shadows. The tribe's passion for freedom and its desire to maintain an independent identity are also its reasons for existence. It cannot compromise on this aspiration, nor can it allow it to be taken away. It resists to the death, and if necessary, dies. A tribe is a living and dynamic social entity. Important events that it experiences are passed down verbally from generation to generation, becoming stories and epics. This imbues the tribal identity with power and meaning. In this sense, a tribe is a social, political, and economic entity that must be taken seriously.

100-150 years ago, the existence of tribes was stronger and more meaningful. Under evolving world conditions, tribal members migrated to other cities for work, and their children now perceive the word "tribe" as a genealogy or family tree.

Why am I explaining all this? Every individual who participated in the Mount Ararat Rebellion belonged to a tribe. Conscious of this, and with the value the tribe bestowed upon them, their existence gained meaning. The concept of an "independent individual" demanding their rights in today's sense does not exist within the tribal system. As I stated in my previous articles: because the Celali Tribe encircled Mount Ararat, it was the primary decisive force in the rebellion gaining momentum and form. Warriors from other tribes joined the Mount Ararat Rebellion in groups of 5-10 people, but they were absorbed and lost within the Celali tribal forces.

However, not all of the Celali Tribe participated in the rebellion, and during its most critical years (1928-1930), two serious conflicts occurred between tribes belonging to the Celali confederation, one on the Iğdır side and one on the Doğubayazıt side, significantly affecting the course of the rebellion.

The Celali tribe is a confederation. It consists of three main branches: Sakan, Helikan, Hesesori (Birxkî). There is no single person or authority to whom the entire Celali tribe is bound. Each of the three main branches is further divided into smaller sub-branches. Each sub-branch had a leader and also a "council of wise men" called "pîre spi." Sometimes the leader acted as foreseen by the council, and sometimes, in emergencies, the leader dictated his own authority.

There are many reasons for tribal conflicts. It is not possible for me to address each one separately. The general rule is this: if there is no long-standing animosity between two tribes, even if there is a killing between them, the tribal elders gather and resolve the issue peacefully. However, if there is an ongoing tension between two tribes, even the killing of a chicken could bring the two tribes into conflict, and even lead to the deaths of dozens of people.

After all these explanations, we can now address the two tribal conflicts in question:

KOTAN (QOTÎ) – SAKAN (SAKÎ) TRIBAL CONFLICT

(1928 TENDÜREK MOUNTAIN SEPTEMBER 20-SEPTEMBER 27)

The late Hüsrev Konyar, leader of the Kotan tribe, explains the reasons for this tribal conflict as follows:

“The Sakan tribe attached great importance to the institution of 'sheikhdom.' The most important of these sheikhs was Sheikh Abdülkadir, originally from Iran. When his brother was killed in a blood feud within the tribe in Iran, he became estranged and came to settle in the village of Örtülü, affiliated with Doğubayazıt. From that day on, he made attempts to establish his sheikhly influence over other tribes almost by force. The only tribal leader who could stand against him and whom he could not control was my father, İsa Bey. The antagonism that thus began continued during the years of the rebellion. When the Sheikh, with the support of the rebels, attacked our tribe, my father collaborated with the state to protect his tribe from this assault.

Another reason for Sheikh Abdülkadir's arrival in Doğubayazıt and his antagonism with my father was the disruption of the existing social balance before his arrival. As is known, all tribes in the Doğubayazıt region are part of the Celali Confederation. During the Ottoman period, when qadis, who served as judges, made decisions, they would delegate the implementation of these court rulings to the tribal elders. My grandfather Ahmed Ağa, İbrahim Bey, and Eyüp Ağa would collectively undertake this duty. The executive mechanism among the tribal leaders continued in complete harmony and cooperation. This friendship, based on love and respect, unfortunately deteriorated with Sheikh Abdülkadir's arrival in the region because Sheikh Abdülkadir commanded that everything should be as he wished. When the balance between the tribes was disturbed and despotism emerged, my father resisted it. The bitter irony is that although we had no problems with the Sakan tribe until then, our relations with this tribe also soured after these events.”

Now let's hear the reasons for the same conflict from Mahmut Kotan Bey, the grandson of the late Sheikh Abdülkadir, leader of the Sakan tribe:

“In the spring of 1929, the conflict and animosity between the Sakan tribe and the Kotan, Soran, Keskoi, and Hesesoran tribal group, which received open support from the state, intensified. Sheikh Abdülkadir, taking his tribe with him, requested assurance and protection from the state to go to the Aladağ plateaus. When the state gave this assurance (!), our tribe set off towards the Aladağs in a 'caravan' (koç). However, at a place called Pira Hamo, the other tribes ambushed and attacked them. Many people lost their lives in the ensuing conflict; moreover, the 'caravan' and convoy were plundered. Sheikh Abdülkadir gathered his remaining forces and set off towards Iran. His aim was to leave Turkey, where security had diminished, and reside among his relatives in Iran.

On the border, this time soldiers blocked the caravan, preventing it from entering Iran. Although the Sheikh tried to prevent conflict by saying, "We have no problem with you! We want to cross into Iran," the soldiers counter-attacked, saying, "We have not forgotten the Mount Ararat Rebellion." In the conflict, Sheikh Abdülkadir's two cousins, Salih and Yasin, and civilians lost their lives. The rest of the tribe managed to cross into Iran by clashing with the soldiers.”

I would also like to include the explanation of the late Hasan Tayfun Bey, an elder of the Sakan Tribe:

“Since our village, Örtülü, was at the foot of Mount Ararat, we were affected by the rebellion. In fact, government officials who wanted to control the rebellion asked us to evacuate our village. My father was the headman of five villages (Örtülü, Celâl, Qurpaxann, Çevirme). After long discussions, we left Örtülü and settled in other villages.

In transhumance, there is a situation we call "firar" (escape/advance). Transhumants send out their bedding, kitchenware, and similar items, considered the "weight of the house," in advance. This is called "firar."

We were preparing to go to the summer pastures. After sending out the firar, we loaded our homes and set off. When our "koç," or summer pasture journey, reached the locality of Pire Hamo (Hamo bridge), we were confronted by tribal forces with whom we had been in enmity for years. They launched a counter-attack with the support of government forces. As a child of 9-10 years old, I watched what was happening with fear, on horseback, behind my father.

The Sakan tribe had no problems with the state and government. But events developed so rapidly and unjustly that our tribe had no choice but to defend itself. Especially after the killing of 80-year-old Resulu Hesen, events spiraled out of control. The ensuing conflict continued for hours.

In this conflict, valuable people, including Sheikh Salih and Sheikh Yasin, died, and thousands of our sheep were confiscated. The remaining members retreated to the Tendürek mountains.

We were preparing to cross into Iran via Tendürek. Since the region was rocky, the animals' feet would get caught between the stones, preventing them from walking. To facilitate the crossing, felts were spread over the rocky terrain, creating a long, narrow corridor. We made the animals walk over the felts, ensuring they crossed the rocky terrain without incident. From that day on, this rocky region of Tendürek mountain became known in popular language as Kerre Kulava (Stone Felt).

Our tribe spent the winter in the village of Adağan on the Iranian border. When spring came, our troubles began. Because the Aladağ plateaus, where our tribe had gone for years, were now closed to us. We were forced to go to the summer pastures on Mount Ararat. The rebellion that had started on Mount Ararat was experiencing its most active year. With the participation of our tribe, the effectiveness and strength of the rebellion suddenly increased.”

CONSEQUENCES OF THE KOTAN-SAKAN TRIBAL CONFLICT

Above, I conveyed to you the reasons for this conflict from the statements of the elders of the two tribes. My task here is certainly not to evaluate who was right or wrong. What is important to me is what impact the consequences of this conflict had on the Mount Ararat Rebellion. I would like to examine this and bring it to your attention:

After this conflict, Sheikh Abdülkadir actively participated in the Mount Ararat Rebellion in the spring of 1929, or was forced to participate. With Sheikh Abdülkadir's arrival, there was a significant change in the leadership cadre of the Mount Ararat Rebellion. The Şemkan, Kızılbaşoğlulları, Mala Bozo, Mala Bado, Keleşkan, Mametkan, Mala Qado, and other tribes belonging to the Sakan group, which was the main striking force of the Mount Ararat Rebellion, determined the course of the rebellion in a sense.

Sheikh Abdülkadir had an undisputed spiritual, political, and social authority over the Sakan tribe. When he supported the Mount Ararat Rebellion with a disciplined fighting force loyal to him, there was a change in the leadership cadre. Many historians write that İhsan Nuri Pasha was the undisputed leader of the Mount Ararat Rebellion (or rebellions) from beginning to end. This is not true! The leadership changed hands four times.

1926-1928 Bıro Heskî Tellî (İbrahim Ağa)

1928-1929 Spring İhsan Nuri Pasha

1929 Spring-1930 September Sheikh Abdülkadir

1930 September-1932 Bıro Heskî Tellî (İbrahim Ağa) /Guerrilla War

In the summer of 1929, we can list the leaders of the Mount Ararat Rebellion in terms of their authority over the fighters as follows: 1. Sheikh Abdülkadir 2. İbrahim Ağa 3. İhsan Nuri Pasha.

I would like to add a note here: From the 19th century onwards, important Kurdish Rebellions were led by leaders with the title "Sheikh." The word "Sheikh" does not imply that these movements were "religious" or "reactionary." For example, the national hero of the Kurds, Mullah Mustafa Barzani, also belongs to a "Sheikh" family. I would also like to mention Sheikh Ubeydullah Nehri. Sheikh Abdülkadir sought refuge in Iran after the Mount Ararat Rebellion ended. In the Kurdish Mahabad Republic established in 1945-46, he served as the official responsible for the Celali Tribe around Makü and Xoy. He was a modern thinker. His son, Sheikh Hasan Kotan, was a classmate of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Tehran. I would like to remind you that Sheikh Abdülkadir was an important figure in the Kurdish National Movement.

Now let's turn to the Mount Ararat Rebellion: İhsan Nuri Pasha experienced deep disappointment when he suddenly saw himself becoming insignificant. He tried not to show it, accepted Sheikh Abdülkadir's authority, and instead of making war plans or forming a defense force, he focused more on correspondence with the Hoybun Society. He penned a declaration titled 'Agirî Agir Dibarîne' (Mount Ararat Rains Fire). İhsan Nuri Pasha had only one indispensable friend during this period: Numan (Dündarzade) Efendi, who resided in Iğdır. He delivered his couriers and letters to Hoybun through him. I will address the topic of Numan Efendi in a later article.

Now let's consider the situation of İsa Bey, leader of the Kotan Tribe. A strong tribal cadre had also formed around İsa Bey. His authority strengthened because he repelled the forces loyal to Sheikh Abdülkadir. When Sheikh Abdülkadir rallied the rebel forces on Mount Ararat, İsa Bey, to balance this, stayed close to the state. However, this was not unconditional cooperation. Some historians write that İsa Bey provided logistical support to the soldiers when they attacked the rebels in the summer of 1930, and even that his loyal militia forces accompanied the soldiers. This is not true. During this period, militia forces loyal to the Keskoî tribe acted with the soldiers and guided them. Let's not forget that both Sheikh Abdülkadir and İsa Bey were exiled under the 1926 Law on the Exile of Agha and Beys. Both were distant from and cautious of the state.

İhsan Nuri Pasha, an idealist watching all this unfold, saw that the cause of "Kurdistan" was being overshadowed and was saddened. If İhsan Nuri Pasha had respected authority among the tribes, he could have brokered peace between Kotan and Sakan, ensuring both powerful tribes joined the rebellion. The same situation occurred in the Geloylu-Kızılbaşoğlu tribal conflict, which I will discuss later. From the summer of 1929 onwards, İhsan Nuri Pasha was a leader whose words were disregarded or whose authority was steadily diminishing.

Sheikh Hasan Taysun makes a general assessment regarding the Mount Ararat Rebellion:

“There were two important factors that caused the early disintegration of the Mount Ararat Rebellion: First, the leadership situation, and second, and more importantly, the logistical positions of the Mala Bozo and Helikan tribes, loyal to Halit Ağa, in Iranian territory.

İhsan Nuri Pasha, as a leader, could not command, and most of the fighters were not very receptive to his attitudes and behaviors. Furthermore, it cannot be said that the Xoybun society contributed much to the rebel forces. Finally, out of the 14 pistols they sent, only two managed to reach the Mount Ararat region.

The two main leaders of the rebellion were Bıro Hesekî Tellî and Sheikh Abdülkadir. Most of the participating tribes were from the Sakan tribe. Whenever problems arose on the basis of the Celali tribe, Sheikh Abdülkadir's word was heeded. Whenever issues of fighting, attack, and defense were discussed, Bıro Hesekî Tellî came to the forefront.

The only difference between the two leaders was that while Sheikh Abdülkadir was in favor of negotiations with the government, Bıro Hesekî Tellî had completely closed off this path.

He did not compromise on his determined stance to fight, saying, "I will die for this cause!" The independent militia forces called "Deste" and their leaders were also important powers. Among them, Ferzende Beg, with his "deste" of 50-60 people around him, was the most respected warrior for his heroism and personality.

In the part of Mount Ararat that remained within Iranian territory, two tribes were influential: Mala Bozo (100 households) from the Sakan tribe and the Helikan tribe (500 households) loyal to Halit Ağa.

These tribes and villages were very important for the rebel forces. Wounded fighters would be treated here and, after recovering, would return to Mount Ararat. Knowing this situation, the Iranian and Turkish governments made an agreement to somehow remove these two tribes from the region.

The Turkish government sent a letter to Halit Ağa, who was having problems with the Iranian government, and persuaded him to seek asylum in Turkey. The Iranian government, in turn, gave the leader of the Mala Bozo tribe, Musa Ağa, the rank of Lieutenant and drew him to their side. Thus, deprived of important logistical support, the rebels could no longer endure and dispersed.

The Helikan tribe, loyal to Halit Ağa, took refuge in Turkey. After spending the winter in the Kağızman valley, they were transported by ships from Trabzon port to Thrace in the spring. Halit Ağa was saddened when he saw that the government officials, who had initially shown him great courtesy, did not keep their promises, and he died in Thrace in agony. His son, Emer Ağa, escaped from Thrace and returned to Iran.

The largest tribal participation in the Mount Ararat rebellion came from the Mala Bozo, Mala Bado, and Şemkan groups of the Sakan tribe. Warriors from the Şemkan tribe, such as Temıre Şemki, Çarxê, Osê, and Fetto, gained fame for their bravery.

When the rebellion dispersed, the Iranian government accepted Sheikh Abdülkadir, İhsan Nuri Pasha, Sheikh Davo, the son of Kör Hüseyin Pasha, and a relative as refugees. Sheikh Abdülkadir lived as a refugee for 16 years in the Save district of Qom province. The government sent my father to Kashan province.”

GELOYLU-KIZILBAŞOĞLU TRIBAL CONFLICT (AUGUST 1929 MOUNT ARARAT)

Interestingly, less than a year later (August 1929), a second tribal conflict occurred. Those who believe in conspiracy theories might think that these two rebellions were planned or caused by the state. What actually happened shows that this is not the case.

One of the important figures I interviewed for my book "Iğdır Sevdası" (Love of Iğdır) was the late Mahmut Alar Bey, leader of the Kızılbaşoğlu Tribe. His rational thinking, frankness, and sincerity deeply impressed me. If Kurdish leaders had learned to look at events from a different perspective, like Mahmut Alar Bey, everything could have found more reasonable and understandable solutions. As I commemorate him with mercy, I would like to express my gratitude for the new perspective he gave me.

Mahmut Alar Bey first explained the origin of the Kızılbaşoğlu tribe's name to prevent a possible misunderstanding:

“The real strength of our tribe is in Iran. For a very long time, Kurdish women traditionally wore a cap similar to a fez, which we call 'Kofi,' on their heads, and hung rows of gold coins around it. The women of our tribe had more of these gold coins! Four or five rows of gold! Since gold is called 'kızıl' in Persian, our tribe began to be known as 'Kızılbaşoğlu,' meaning 'Golden-headed son'!... Here I would like to draw your attention to one point: In Turkey, the word 'Kızılbaş' is used for those belonging to the Alevi sect. Our tribe is not Alevi.”

Mahmut Alar Bey explains the reasons for the Mount Ararat Rebellion as follows:

“To evaluate the years of the Mount Ararat Rebellion, it is necessary to understand the tribes of that era and their interrelationships well. Roughly, we can divide the tribes of that time into rich and poor. Of course, when I say rich, I mean those who were slightly better off. In reality, everyone was poor back then. The well-off tribes were the Gelturanlıs, Redkanlıs, and Geloylular. The disadvantaged ones were the Kızılbaşoğlu and Sakanlıs on the Iğdır side, and the Kotan and Soran tribes on the Doğubeyazıt side.

The tribes already had no fields, vineyards, or gardens. Their only source of livelihood was animal husbandry. When that was not available, only one option remained: profiteering and looting! Profiteering was increasing day by day. In the evening, 40-50 armed men would mount horses, and as they pleased, they would go and forcibly seize sheep and cattle from tribes, regardless of whether they were rich or poor! Because of this, the Kızılbaşoğlu and Sakan tribes became disliked among the other tribes in the region. So much so that they were desperate, not knowing how to escape this scourge.

When İhsan Nuri Pasha and others came to organize the rebellion in the region, a spontaneous division occurred among the tribes. The victimized tribes leaned towards the state, while the "usurpers" leaned towards those organizing the rebellion.

These poor tribes were the armed backbone of the Mount Ararat Rebellion. It might be a bit of an exaggeration, but you can imagine the situation by likening the division among the Kurdish tribes on Mount Ararat in those years to the White-Black division in America.

This situation made the job of the rebel leaders easier. Over time, the phrase "We are poor, they are rich" was replaced by a political discourse like "We are Kurdish patriots, they are traitors." The motto "Wan ceşin, herin bikujin!" meaning "They are traitors, they are with the state, go and kill them!" was constantly circulating. Thus, the rebel leaders exploited this contradiction among the tribes to the highest degree.”

Mahmut Alar Bey was not deeply knowledgeable about how the Geloylu-Kızılbaşoğlu tribal conflict first began. For this, we will turn to the late Gurci Selçuk, daughter of Ahmed Şemo. With an incredible memory, she details how this conflict first started and how it ended. I wanted to include this epic narrative as it is:

THE FIRST BLOOD CAUSED BY HEPO (Autumn 1924)

Hepo, the son of our grandfather Mıhê Kazak, lived in Korhan village on Mount Ararat. He had taken a member of the Kızılbaşoğlu tribe as a shepherd. The shepherd, who had a lame leg, had come with his family and settled in the village.

One day, the shepherd returned to the village upset. Wolves had attacked the flock and torn apart and killed a sheep. Hepo, very angry at this news, began to beat the shepherd.

Hepo's wife was baking bread at that moment. She couldn't understand her husband's fury:

“Don't torment the shepherd so much. It's just one sheep that died!”

Hepo could not tolerate his wife's intervention in this way, and with all his might, he threw a stone he grabbed at his wife. The poor woman died on the spot.

Hepo blamed the shepherd for this unfortunate incident but saved his revenge for another day. One day he ordered his shepherd, "Load the donkeys with oil and cheese, we are going to Iğdır." He rode ahead on horseback, and the shepherd drove the donkeys from behind. In this way, they reached the city (Iğdır) and completed their shopping; they sold oil and cheese, bought household necessities like onions, potatoes, and sugar, and returned. Near Erhacı, at a place called Mir hills, Hepo killed the shepherd and hid the body under a stone. He opened the donkeys' loads and scattered them around, then, as if nothing had happened, he jumped on his horse and returned to Iğdır.

After staying at the inn for a few days, he returned to Korhan. The shepherd's mother, curious about her son's fate, came to Hepo:

“Where is my son?” she asked. Hepo calmly replied:

“How can that be? Hasn't he arrived yet? I sent him off three days ago. I came a few days late because I had things to do.”

The shepherd's mother, Huri Hanım, went to the leader of the Kızılbaşoğlu tribe, to which she belonged, and asked for help. Groups tracked everywhere, and finally, the carcass of one of the donkeys torn apart by wolves was found. Then, next to the scattered onions and potatoes, they found the shepherd's body under a stone.

The shepherd's family blamed Hepo for this death, but Hepo stubbornly denied his guilt.

The elders of the two tribes gathered to clarify the issue. My father, Ahmed Şemo, led the Gêloî tribe.

At the meeting, also attended by Hesene Tozo, the leader of the Kızılbaşoğlu tribe, my father questioned Hepo:

“Hepo, did you kill Huri's son?”

“No!” Hepo replied firmly.

Since Hepo did not admit his guilt, the "blood money" stipulated by tradition was not paid to the other side. For this reason, a coolness arose between the Kızılbaşoğlu and Gêloî tribes.

A few years after this incident, in the autumn of 1926, a group of armed men gathered our flocks grazing in the countryside and drove them towards the Iranian border. The flocks belonged to Têmire Gulê (Aziz Güney's father). There were two shepherds with them. The attackers killed one of the shepherds, and the other shepherd ran to Karahacılı village, reporting the raid. Têmire Gulê was alone in the village. He jumped on his horse and set off alone towards the Iranian border. He cornered the fugitives just as they were crossing the border. Têmire Gulê killed two attackers, was wounded in the arm himself, but still managed to retrieve the flock and bring it back to the village.

As soon as the news was heard, my father's anger towards Hepo increased even more:

“Because of him, three people died, there are three blood debts. Moreover, Têmire Gulê, who is worth a hundred men, was wounded in the arm.”

Because of my father's harsh outburst, our relationship with the Mıhê Kazak family deteriorated. Time passed, and one day the news came that Hepo had been killed.

Mıhê Kazak blamed my father for this death:

“Hepo was going to take the chieftainship from Ahmed Şemo. He had my son killed out of jealousy.”

Because of this, a division between Aqo-Gêlo occurred within the Gêloi tribe. One spring morning, while our tents were in "kerre," Hepo's son came to our house. He sadly confessed that he had killed his father:

“My father used to beat us every day. One day I couldn't take it anymore and killed him while he was sleeping.” My father sent horsemen to Mıhê Kazak and other tribal elders with the news. The assembled community took Hepo's son's statement. Thus, my father was cleared of the slander.

THE KILLING OF EVDILLEYE YUSUF (Spring 1929)

Evdılle (Abdullah Aktaş / Taşlıca village) was 22-23 years old and a father of three children. He was loved by all tribes for his courage. With a few shepherds, he was grazing 2000 sheep belonging to our tribe on Mount Ararat. One midnight, attackers surrounded the flock. Their aim was to take the flock without harming anyone, especially Evdılle.

When the conflict began, Evdılle was performing his prayers. He died on the spot from a bullet wound. Emo was also killed in this conflict, and the attackers disappeared with 2000 sheep. The news fell upon our tribe like a dark cloud. On one hand, we had lost two of our bravest young men, and on the other hand, our flocks were gone.

My father was extremely devoted to Evdılle. In the following days, Sheikh Abdülkadir came to our house as a mediator to make peace with the Kızılbaşoğlu tribe. My father spoke with determination:

“This summer I will go to the summer pastures on Mount Ararat. I will avenge Evdılle and Emo, even at the cost of my two sons' lives. Especially for Evdılle, who was killed while praying, I will sacrifice my life if necessary.”

THE FATEFUL DAY OF THE GÊLOÎ TRIBE: ARÊ-YUSUF-BEG CONFLICT (AUGUST 1929)

That summer, we set up our encampment at a place called Arê-Yusuf-Beg. Mutual threats continued between the two tribes. One day, Davut, son of Bro Hseki Telli, and Cihagire Reso came to our house. Davut conveyed his father's message:

“Ahmed Ağa, the other side has formed an armed group of 200-300 people and is preparing to fight you. A peace delegation will soon come to talk to you; if you are strong enough, do not make peace, otherwise accept their peace terms. Do not expect help from me, I am not strong enough. I am far from my tribe. Ferzende, Süleyman Ahmed, and Mıhê Mirze are as helpless as I am.”

My father replied: “Go tell İbrahim Ağa that Ahmed Şemo will not accept Sheikh Abdülkadir's peace proposal.”

My father understood that he was left to his own fate. He sent word to Halit Ağa, the chief of the Helikan tribe, who was settled in Iran and was a friend, asking for a few households to join their encampment. Halit Ağa sent 10-15 households to our summer pasture.

THE PEACE DELEGATION

Among those who came to our house during the peace talks were İhsan Nuri Pasha, Bıro Hesekî Telli, Sheikh Abdülkadir, Seyda Resul, Mıhê Mirze, Süleyman Ahmed, Hacı Süleyman, Ferzende Beg, Halis Beg, Armenian Zilan Bey, and Süleyman's son Kazım. Sheikh Abdülkadir sat in the middle of the tent. The others lined up around him. Numan Efendi was not at the meeting. Ferzende and İhsan Nuri were handsome, but Zilan Bey was quite ugly. (NOTE: As can be understood from this narrative, Sheikh Abdülkadir had established himself as the highest authority of the rebellion in the summer of 1929, sitting in the center, with others surrounding him.)

Sheikh Abdülkadir opened the meeting:

“Ahmed Şemo, let's make peace!”

“How can I make peace? Three of my men have been killed, 4500 of my sheep have been plundered.”

Hesene Tozo was a gentle and very good person. Sheikh Abdülkadir insisted:

“Come on, extend your hands to each other!”

My father reluctantly extended his hand.

“I extend my hand, but I am not making peace. Know this!”

Hesen Tozo and my father shook hands. Tears came to Hesene Tozo's eyes.

“Ehmed Ağa, don't be so stubborn, I also lost a son.”

The discussions dragged on. At one point, one of them stood up and threatened my father with his hand:

“Don't be so confident, Ahmed Şemo. Since you won't make peace, I will come tomorrow and kill you and all your men. I will take your wives, put them on the leading camel, and take them as my wives.”

The delegation left our encampment without peace.

Early the next day, an old woman came to our house. She was covered in blood and sweat from running all night. She spoke excitedly:

“I am Gêlo's granddaughter. My daughter is married to a man from the Kızılbaşoğlu tribe. According to what her husband told her, a group of 300 armed men is coming to raid your encampment. My daughter brought me this news after her husband fell asleep. I secretly set off and ran all night to reach you. Please take precautions!”

My father gathered the tribe. There were about 20 Gêloî men who could bear arms. There were also about 20 warriors from the Helikan tribe.

We woke up to noise very early in the morning. The attackers were coming on foot from the Zemyan stream. A deep blue covered the surroundings. My father sat near his bed, giving orders to his men:

“Everyone will fight to their last drop of blood, everyone will die in front of their home,” he said. Just then, bullets rained down on the tents. Hacı Haşem was wounded in the leg in the first fire. A bullet also fell in front of my father. My father stood up, and while putting on his ammunition belt, he shouted at the women and shepherds:

“Quickly send two tins of gold, Hamit, Mecit, and Fatma to Yusufa Sano's house. The shepherds should also move the sheep and cows away from the encampment.”

My father's wishes were immediately carried out. The conflict continued for quite some time. When the first rays of the sun illuminated the encampment, the conflict intensified.

Hacı Haşem, wounded in the leg, lay semi-conscious in the kitchen area. As soon as he regained consciousness, he grabbed his weapon and rushed to my father's aid.

While the men fought with all their might, the women were not idle either.

It was almost noon when Mıhêmmed Hesen, the most important marksman of the Geloylu tribe, arrived from the mill. The encampment had turned into a battlefield. Mıhêmmed Hesen ran to the tent with his weapon. When he saw my grandmother Gulizar, the first thing he asked was:

“Ahmed heye an tûne?” (Is he alive or dead?) When he learned that my father was alive, he took courage, tore his collar, and shouted, “Ez hatım!” (I have come!)

With Mıhêmmed Hesen's arrival, the Geloylular were emboldened. Meanwhile, the attackers had approached the tents quite closely. My father, seizing the opportunity of Mıhêmmed Hesen's arrival, sprang from his place, shouting "Ya Allah ya Xude!" and launched an attack. Hacı Medet also joined my father. At that moment, all the Gêloî men emerged from their trenches, and with shouts and gunshots that shook the earth and sky, they charged forward. The attackers, not expecting this move, began to flee in disarray. They ran towards the Zemyan stream with their weapons slung over their shoulders.

My father did not want to spend that winter (1929) in Adetli village. Adetli village was not suitable for defense as it was under the rocks. Fearing a new raid, we spent the winter in Karahacılı village, at Temıre Gulê's house. Every day, guards were posted all around the village, ready for a possible attack.

In the spring, we set up our tents near the reeds on the Kıraçbağ side. In the summer of 1930, we went to the Sinek plateau. Our encampment was set up in Kaniye-Pez-Berdan. My grandfather Ali Mirze Bey's encampment went to Kandil.”

CONSEQUENCES OF THE KIZILBAŞOĞLU-GELOYLU TRIBAL CONFLICT:

Dear reader! This tribal conflict, whose details you read above, occurred during the hottest days of the Mount Ararat Rebellion. Both the Geloylular and the Kızılbaşoğulları are members of the Celali tribe. Some books and articles write or claim that the tribes living on Mount Ararat fought against the army units as a whole and with a single fist. Unfortunately, this information is fabricated. It has no relation to reality.

There are also those who take the easy way out: they wrote articles based on a single event without understanding the historical background of the Kotan-Sakan tribal conflict. They reached wrong conclusions such as "İsa Bey is a traitor because he asked for help from the army units!" Believe me, events could have developed along a different line. İsa Bey could have sided with the rebels, and Sheikh Abdülkadir could have stayed close to the state to balance power against İsa Konyar. In this case, Sheikh Abdülkadir would have been declared a "traitor."

A similar situation occurred in the Geloylu-Kızılbaşoğlu tribal conflict. The Kızılbaşoğlu tribe is affiliated with the Sakan tribal group. As I said before, the Sakan tribe forms the backbone of the Mount Ararat Rebellion.

Ahmed Şemo felt alone in the face of the Kızılbaşoğlu attack. He sought help from Halit Ağa, the leader of the Helikan tribe, who was settled in Iran and was a friend. He could only send about 20 warriors. Ahmed Şemo, assessing the seriousness of the situation and realizing that the balance of power was against his tribe, went to Aralık district and obtained weapons and ammunition from Captain Nuri in exchange for money and gold. If Captain Nuri had not delivered three camel-loads of weapons and ammunition to Ahmed Şemo, there would probably be no Geloylu tribe today.

Captain Nuri was, of course, pleased that there was a tribal conflict in the rebellion region. But here I would like to convey accurate information: Captain Nuri neither suggested nor forced Ahmed Şemo, saying, "Let us give you weapons, fight with the Kızılbaşoğlu tribe!" In fact, some writers and historians state that the state provided weapons to both tribes and forced them to fight each other. This does not reflect the truth.

Captain Nuri had a long-standing friendship with Numan Efendi, the Land Registry Director, who was exiled in 1926. Captain Nuri was on duty in Aralık district when Numan Efendi was caught in Iğdır and sent into exile. Numan Efendi penned a letter at the last moment and gave it to Hesene Tozo, the Kızılbaşoğlu leader who had come to visit him, to deliver to Ahmed Şemo. The letter was addressed to Captain Nuri:

“I want you to help Ahmed Şemo, the leader of our tribe, who will bring you this letter. It is too late for me now!”

Ahmed Şemo first hid in the Kırre region of Mount Ararat, and at an opportune moment, he visited Captain Nuri and personally handed him Numan Efendi's letter. Captain Nuri asked Ahmed Şemo to hide in Kırre for six months. When things calmed down, he helped secure an amnesty.

I would like to add a note here: Ahmed Şemo's striking force consisted of the Geloylu and Helikan tribes. There were no soldiers among them.

You might ask, who is this Captain Nuri? He would later become Lieutenant General Nuri Berköz Pasha and serve as the Gendarmerie General Commander between March 28, 1949, and June 28, 1950.

According to Gurci Selçuk's account, the Geloylu tribe spent the winter of 1929 uneasily, fearing a possible Kızılbaşoğlu attack, and decided not to go to Mount Ararat in the spring of 1930. Instead, they set up their black tents in the Sinek plateau in Tuzluca, where they would be safe. Ahmed Şemo's aim was to ensure the safety of his tribe. While the Mount Ararat Rebellion was experiencing its bloodiest days (summer 1930), the Geloylu tribe was far from the hot fire of the rebellion, in the Sinek plateau in Tuzluca.

In later years, some circles interpreted Ahmed Şemo's move to Tuzluca differently:

“Ahmed Şemo made a deal with the state, took money, did not participate in the Mount Ararat Rebellion, and went to Tuzluca. He also put his camel caravan at the service of the state!”

Reaching such a conclusion without knowing the details of the conflict with the Kızılbaşoğlu tribe might seem logical at first glance, but in reality, the Geloylu tribe moved away from the region in the last year of the rebellion because they knew they would suffer harm in the Mount Ararat region, where the Sakan tribe was dominant. In those years, the state temporarily confiscated all camel caravans belonging to the Azeris and Kurds in the region for the transportation of military ammunition and supplies.

Gurci Selçuk continues:

“Some of the rebels stayed away from theft and looting. These were mostly people who came from outside the region. Many people, like Ferzende from the Cibranlı tribe, avoided harming others. My father loved this group, which included warriors like Bro Heskî Tellî (İbrahim Ağa) and Süleyman Ahmed, and did not withhold his help. He met their needs such as shoes and clothes.”

CONSEQUENCES OF THE KIZILBAŞOĞLU-GELOYLU TRIBAL CONFLICT

Years later, peace was established between the two tribes. The late Mahmut Alar Bey recounts:

“Ahmed Şemo, the beloved and prominent leader of the Geloylu tribe, loved my father very much. They were bound to each other by a mutual sense of trust. In fact, during the Geloylu-Kızılbaşoğlu peace talks, Ahmed Şemo appointed my father as his representative to discuss the peace terms!”

It seems that if there had not been the summer pasture attack by the Kızılbaşoğlu tribal forces to annihilate the Geloylular, the Geloylular would also have joined the rebellion and taken sides. Especially as we will see in the case of Numan Efendi and Hüsnü Bingöl, Ahmed Şemo would confront the state when necessary and even go to prison.

My dear readers! In my next article, I will discuss three important figures: Ali Mirze Bey, Kerem Bey, and Numan Efendi.