World War II and the Nazi Muslim Legions

Dear readers! As you read today's article, you may notice discontinuities in the transition from one heading to another, and even some repetition of topics. I honestly struggled to find another way to convey such a detailed subject to the reader in the most concise and brief manner possible within a newspaper column. I apologize in advance for this situation, which may disrupt your reading pleasure. I hope, despite everything, the article captures your interest.

TWO DEFINITIONS

I will continue my article by defining two words that have entered our daily lives and are frequently used in popular media: "Fascist" and "Nazi." In Italy, the name of the far-right Mussolini's party was the National Fascist Party. Hitler's party was called the National Socialist German Workers' Party, abbreviated as NAZI. The common characteristics of Nazis and Fascists include extreme nationalism, forced suppression of opposition, governance of society by a single party, charismatic leadership, glorification of violence, and racism, among many other definitions.

OPERATION BARBAROSSA

When World War II began, hundreds of thousands of people from different nations voluntarily joined Hitler's military legions. Hitler promised a new order. Among the volunteers were Muslims. Especially the Muslim peoples within the Soviet Union believed that a better life awaited them in Hitler's New Order. The Nazi Swastika symbol and the Crescent representing Islam were depicted together, creating a sense of hope among Muslim peoples as far as the Turkestan steppes with the ideal of a "holy union."

After conquering Poland, France, the Netherlands, and Czechoslovakia, Hitler attacked Russia on June 22, 1941. This largest military operation in history was codenamed "Operation Barbarossa," in reference to Frederick Barbarossa, the commander of the Third Crusade in the 12th century and Holy Roman Emperor. Georgians, Armenians, and Azerbaijanis, who had established their independent states in the Caucasus between 1918 and 1920, rejoiced at this news. Volga and Crimean Tatars also mobilized to assist the advancing German forces. Muslims fighting in the Red Army who were captured by the Germans appealed to Hitler, asking for permission to fight against the Soviets. In fact, Hitler had important advisors around him who urged him to take steps towards forming Nazi Muslim legions from these captured Muslim soldiers: Nuri Pasha (Enver Pasha's brother), Jerusalem Mufti Amin al-Husseini, Imam Said (Sheikh Shamil's son), Harun al-Rashid (German Colonel Wilhelm Hintersatz), retired General Hüseyin Hüsnü Erkilet Pasha, and partially Mehmed Emin Resulzade.

Furthermore, Turkish Ambassador Von Papen organized the Turanist circles in Turkey. He arranged a meeting attended by Nuri Pasha, Marshal Fevzi Çakmak, retired General Hüseyin Hüsnü Erkilet, and Militia Leader Kıyas Alkazak, whose importance I will mention later. Secret decisions were made to establish military and militia forces within Turkey. During these years, Turanists came to the fore in Turkey, supporters of the National Pact lost their importance, and İnönü was cornered.

NAZI MUSLIM LEGIONS

Major Abdurrahman Fethalibeyli Düdenginski, a military expert and graduate of the Moscow Military Academy, was captured by the Germans during the war in the Baltic region. In 1941, he conveyed his desire to Hitler to switch to the German side and establish military units composed of Azerbaijanis. The efforts of Turkey's Ambassador to Germany, Hüsrev Gerede, and retired General Hüseyin H. Erkilet also accelerated the process.

In December 1941, Hitler ordered the establishment of two Muslim legions (military units). The Germans decided to utilize over 150,000 Azerbaijani soldiers and officers among the millions of Soviet citizens they had captured in the first months of the war. Some of the prisoners accepted this offer, while others preferred to remain in prisoner-of-war camps and die.

Here I would like to make a reminder: The capture of millions of Red Army soldiers in the initial German attack angered Stalin. He issued a new directive. According to this, even being captured by the enemy in war was considered equivalent to treason. He also considered seeking refuge with the enemy or fleeing to a foreign country as treason and desertion from the army, prescribing the death penalty. Moreover, he swore, pounding his fist on the table as if to break it, that he would punish those who joined the enemy ranks and fought against the Red Army, no matter the cost.

MUSLIM AND OTHER NAZI LEGIONS

The first pro-Nazi military unit established was called the Turkestan Legion. Turkmens, Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Karakalpaks, and Tajiks were part of this legion.

The second was called the Caucasian Islamic Legion. Azerbaijanis, Dagestanis, Chechens, Ingush, and Lezgins joined this legion.

Special uniforms of different colors were made for the Nazi-collaborating captured Muslim Soviet soldiers, and armbands with "Tengri Biz Menen," "Biz Alla Bilen Türkistan," or "Aserbaidschan" were sewn onto their sleeves.

By the winter of 1941, the number of Soviet prisoners of war in German hands was close to four million. Tens of thousands of people who hated the Bolsheviks mobilized to support the Nazis. Initially, these soldiers, known only as "Hilfswillige" (volunteers) and randomly interspersed among German units, grew so numerous and ethnically diverse that their organization into independent units became inevitable. Among the Soviet volunteers, Muslim Soviet prisoners were the most numerous. Both Himmler and Hitler attached special importance to them. For this reason, it was deemed appropriate to organize Azerbaijani, Tatar, Uzbek, Turkmen, and Turkestani volunteers not as a regular army but in the form of elite Waffen SS. The word SS is an abbreviation of the German words "Sturm Soldat," meaning SS stands for Storm Trooper. The Waffen SS was the elite, best-trained, and most technologically advanced political army of the German armed forces. It was directly subordinate to the Nazi Party. This group was largely responsible for civilian massacres.

By the end of the war, the number of Azerbaijani, Turkmen, Uzbek, and other volunteers of Turkic origin was around 40,000. In addition, the Volga Tatar Legion, composed of Tatars, was established in Poland in January 1942. Hitler's embrace of Muslim peoples was, in a sense, to win Turkey as an ally and thereby gain control of the Baku and Middle Eastern oil fields.

Hitler's confidence in Muslim units was so great that in a speech in December 1942, he said:

"I believe in the loyalty of Muslims. That is why I am not against the establishment of Muslim Units!"

GEORGIAN NAZI LEGION

The Georgian Legion was established in December 1941. They underwent special training in Ukraine and participated in the war on the Nazi side starting in the autumn of 1942. 30,000 Georgian soldiers served in the Nazi ranks. The founders of the Democratic Republic of Georgia, established between 1918 and 1921, led these legions. Of course, in return for this service, Hitler promised an independent Georgia if he conquered the Caucasus. They received sabotage training. They were parachuted deep into Russia.

ARMENIAN NAZI LEGION

Armenians also had a place in Hitler's Caucasus plan. In the hope of regaining the independent Republic of Armenia between 1918 and 1920, Armenians flocked to the Nazi ranks. On February 8, 1942, a Nazi Armenian Legion consisting of 11 battalions was formed from Armenians who were captured by the Germans while fighting in the Red Army. It consisted of a total of 18,000 people. The Armenians forming this legion were generally Armenians who fought against the Nazis in the Red Army but were captured. General Drastamat Kanayan (Dro), a member of the Dashnak Party and former Minister of Defense, who left Armenia after the collapse of the Republic of Armenia in 1920, was appointed to head these units. Armenian volunteers living in different countries also found a way to join this legion. The French writer Yves Ternon, who closely followed the psychological state of the soldiers and volunteers forming the Armenian Legion, stated in his book written in later years that, apart from Dro, there was no very clear tendency of Nazi sympathy among the others in the Armenian Legion.

When the war ended, the Armenian legion disbanded. Many surrendered to the Allied forces (USA, UK). Those who were not Soviet citizens were handed over to the states of which they were citizens in the diaspora. However, Soviet citizens were handed over to Stalin as per the agreement. They were either shot or exiled to Siberia. After World War II, General Dro took refuge with the Americans and was not handed over to Stalin because he was not a Soviet citizen. He settled in Lebanon and continued the Armenian cause from there. In the World Armenian Meeting held in 1947, his crime of collaborating with the Nazis was forgiven, and he returned to his normal life.

WHO IS GENERAL DRO?

His real name was Drastamat Kanayan. He was born in Iğdır on May 31, 1884. He was a military commander and statesman. He was a member of the Dashnak party. When the Democratic Republic of Armenia was established, he served as Minister of Defense (1920). He was educated at a church school. He often skipped classes and eagerly watched the training of Cossack soldiers. In those years, there were between 8,000 and 10,000 Russian soldiers in Iğdır. He continued his education at Yerevan High School. The lessons were in Russian. He could not be a good student. He was an admirer of General Andranik, who fought against the Ottoman army. When the Russian government confiscated the property of the Armenian church, he joined the nationalist Dashnak Party. In World War I, he commanded the Armenian Volunteer unit against the Ottomans. He was wounded in an attack on Bayezid Province, and his fame grew. He served as Minister of Defense. In 1920, when the Soviets occupied Armenia, he was exiled. He found a way to settle in Romania. In World War II, he took charge of the legion formed by Hitler from captured Soviet Armenian citizens and Armenians from the diaspora. He took part in the capture of Crimea and the Caucasus. When the war ended, he surrendered to the Americans. Since he was not a Soviet citizen, he was not handed over to Stalin. He settled in Lebanon. He died on March 8, 1956, in Watertown, America, where he had gone for treatment.

ZEYTUN NAZI ARMENIAN BATTALION

It was formed in Poland on August 29, 1942. Nearly 1,000 Armenian volunteers took part. They were sent to the Caucasus. Later, they served in the Netherlands and Belgium. They fought against the Allied forces on the Nazi side during the Normandy landings but suffered heavy losses.

MUFTI OF JERUSALEM: MUHAMMAD AMIN AL-HUSSEINI

Amin al-Husseini was the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem between 1921 and 1948 and the founder of the Arab Higher Committee. He held great prestige in the Islamic world (in a sense, he was like the Pope). He embarked on efforts to expel Jews from Palestinian territories. He organized antisemitic demonstrations and sabotages.

Amin al-Husseini grew closer to the Nazis from 1933 onwards. In 1941, he went to Berlin and met Adolf Hitler in person. He requested support to expel Jews from Palestine. Hitler promised to expel Jews from Palestine once he had fully conquered the Caucasus. Amin al-Husseini inspected the Muslim Legions and blessed the soldiers one by one. In a sense, an Islamic-Nazi collaboration was achieved, albeit for a short time.

SAID SHAMIL, SON OF SHEIKH (IMAM) SHAMIL

Germany's Ambassador to Turkey, Von Papen, recommended Said Shamil, the son of Imam Shamil of North Caucasus, to Hitler. In his meeting with Hitler, Shamil stated that the time had come for the German Government to create a movement in the Caucasus regarding Pan-Turanism and to send suitable individuals to the Caucasian front for this purpose. He proposed an agreement between the German Government and Turkey, and furthermore, the utilization of influential and talented Pan-Turanists living in France, such as Sultan Kılıç Giray, Mirza Bey Kulattı, and Adil Bey Kulattı, and in Warsaw, such as Bahaddin Nurş, who could be easily reached by the German Foreign Ministry.

WEHRMACHT AND WAFFEN-SS

My reader should know that during Hitler's time in Germany, there were two different armies: one was the regular armed forces known as "Wehrmacht" (Army-Air Force-Navy). The other was the army called "Waffen-SS," directly affiliated with the NAZI party. This is perhaps a first in world history. Towards the end of the war, Wehrmacht officers attempted to assassinate Hitler, but the Waffen-SS, directly loyal to Hitler, took control.

The Waffen-SS consisted of volunteer fighters who had sworn direct allegiance to Adolf Hitler. In this respect, it was not part of the official German army, the Wehrmacht. While its troop numbers were initially less than 200,000, they exceeded one million after 1944. It consisted of elite and select soldiers. The most superior weapons and equipment were first given to the Waffen-SS. They were the units most feared and reluctantly fought by the Allied armies. As most historians agree, the Waffen-SS divisions were the best-equipped and most successful units of World War II. In the Nuremberg trials, Waffen-SS soldiers were considered and tried as war criminals because the Waffen-SS group was responsible for most civilian massacres. Since the Muslim NAZI legions were included in the Waffen-SS group, they were tried as war criminals when the war ended. They were not granted refugee status by the countries to which they surrendered but were brought to justice everywhere.

HITLER AND TURANISM

Hitler further expanded his objective, becoming the most fervent advocate of the Turanist idea both in Turkey and among Muslim peoples. The Soviet administration panicked in the face of this new situation. Konstantin Oumansky, the Soviet Ambassador to the USA, confessed:

"I am worried about the Caucasus. The Crimean Tatars are prone to betray us. They never adopted the Soviet system. We experienced this in the Crimean Wars of the 19th century. They collaborated with our enemies. I also do not trust the peoples of the Caucasus."

Germany established close relations with the Muslim peoples in the Caucasus. It promised to close collective farms, reopen mosques, and compensate for or return property confiscated by the Soviets.

Germany's Ambassador to Turkey, Von Papen, conveyed to the Turkish Government their willingness to leave the administration of the liberated Muslim regions to Turkey in order to win Turkey over. Marshal Çakmak and Prime Minister Saraçoğlu were interested in the idea of Turanism. However, İnönü favored a cautious and neutral policy. During these years, İnönü was in the position of a "lonely man." After the defeat at Stalingrad, the Germans retreated from the Caucasus project. İnönü seized the opportunity. He immediately retired Marshal Çakmak and distanced himself from the idea of Turanism. Thus, he tried to escape the wrath of the Allied Powers, especially the Soviets.

With Hitler's death on April 30, 1945, the war in Europe ended, and the Nazi Muslim Legions surrendered to American and British forces. As per the agreement, all were repatriated to the Soviets. A grim fate awaited them: they were either shot or exiled to Siberia. Stalin even went further, exiling many peoples in the Caucasus to Siberia.

HITLER'S GOAL

Hitler had three goals:

1. To take revenge for the First World War and become the ruler of all Europe.

2. To cleanse his country and Europe of Jews.

3. To destroy communism.

To achieve these goals, he needed two things: heavy industry and oil.

Shortly after Operation Barbarossa began, Hitler realized that invading Russia via Moscow would not be easy, so he changed his strategy and turned to the rich oil fields in the Caucasus. This way, he would secure energy for his own country and deprive the Soviet army of energy. To reach the Caucasus, he first attacked Stalingrad. However, when he failed to make progress in Stalingrad, one arm extended south to the Caucasus, advancing as far as Mount Elbrus. By placing a huge Nazi Swastika symbol on the summit of Elbrus, the highest mountain in the Caucasus and Russia (5642 m), they sent a meaningful message to the peoples of the South Caucasus.

What did Turkey mean to Hitler?

1. Turkey was Germany's ally in the First World War.

2. Turkey was not communist.

3. The Jewish population in Turkey was small.

4. Turkey did not have a developed industry. Furthermore, it was quite poor in terms of energy resources such as oil and natural gas. German intelligence, after examining Turkey, reported to Hitler that there was nothing useful for them.

5. The Nazis wanted to bring Turkey into the war on their side, as in the First World War. They aimed to incite the Turkic peoples in Central Asia against the Soviets using Turkey's nationalist power and to lighten the workload on the eastern front. There was an influential nationalist circle in Turkey that wanted to enter this war on Germany's side. After the defeat at Stalingrad, it became clear that the Nazis would not win the war. İsmet İnönü initiated a major purge against the nationalists (idealists). The idealists were tortured in detention centers during that period, and a significant portion of them were removed from state positions.

GERMAN COLONEL WILHELM HİNTERSATZ (HARUN-EL-REŞİT BEY)

Hintersatz, of German origin, was one of the foremost individuals who introduced Hitler to Turanist thought and leaders. In 1917, he was part of a German delegation sent to the Ottoman Empire and became Enver Pasha's aide-de-camp. In 1919, he converted to Islam and changed his name to "Harun El Reşit." During World War II, he served in the Wehrmacht (Nazi Armed Forces) between 1939 and 1944 and joined the Waffen-SS on June 30, 1944.

WORLD WAR II AND SOVIET LOSSES

Some authors, for some reason, claim that during World War II, the Russians "cunningly" pushed other ethnic groups, especially Muslim peoples, who formed the Soviet Union, to the front lines. The table below shows the distribution of deceased or missing Soviet soldiers by ethnic origin (1941–45). The exact number of soldiers who died in the war is unknown. Lists are made within a minimum-maximum range. The table below provides the "minimum number of soldiers" who died. For example, Azerbaijan's minimum military loss is estimated at 210,000, and its maximum military loss at 300,000. (Note: Civilians are not included.)

ETHNIC NAME POPULATION NUMBER OF DEAD SOLDIERS

Armenia 1,320,000 150,000

Azerbaijan 3,270,000 210,000

Belarus 9,050,000 620,000

Estonia 1,050,000 30,000

Georgia 3,610,000 190,000

Kazakhstan 6,150,000 310,000

Kyrgyzstan 1,530,000 70,000

Lithuania 1,890,000 30,000

Latvia 2,930,000 25,000

Moldova 2,470,000 50,000

Russia 110,100,000 6,750,000

Tajikistan 1,530,000 50,000

Turkmenistan 1,300,000 70,000

Ukraine 41,340,000 1,650,000

Uzbekistan 6,550,000 330,000

Others - 165,000

Total Soviets 194,090,000 10,600,000

As can be seen from the table above, the main burden of the war fell on Slavic peoples such as Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians.

WORLD WAR II AND AZERBAIJAN

In World War II, Soviet Azerbaijan sent 700,000 soldiers to the Red Army. Nearly 300,000 of them died in the war. Most of those who returned were wounded and disabled. While the Azerbaijani people embraced the "Great Patriotic War" with great sacrifice, a significant portion of Azerbaijani soldiers captured by the Germans served in the Muslim Legions established by the Nazis. Whether this was out of compulsion or voluntarily is a separate matter of debate. We do know that many captured Azerbaijani soldiers from the Red Army rejected the offer to join the Nazi ranks, saying, "I would rather die of hunger than betray my homeland (the Soviets)," and the majority perished in prisoner-of-war camps.

AZERBAIJAN LEGION AND THE WOLA MASSACRE

Nazi officers and the high command used the Muslim Nazi Legions in massacres against civilians. The most horrific of these was the Wola massacre on August 5, 1944, in Poland, where 40,000 civilians were killed. The Azerbaijan Feld Bataillon, commanded by Werner Scharrenber, actively participated in this massacre. This means that the Azerbaijani legion under Nazi command committed or was forced to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity. For this reason, when the war ended, Waffen-SS soldiers were never treated as political refugees.

OPERATION ZEPPELIN

As soon as the German Nazi armies entered the North Caucasus, the Caucasian National Committee formed a military group called Operation Zeppelin to assist the advancing Nazi soldiers. Their aims were to provide intelligence, propaganda, and organize insurgent groups, sabotages, and terrorist activities. Nazi Caucasian legions participated in this operation. The Azerbaijani group was led by Abbas Bey Atamalibekov. Abbas Bey represented the Azerbaijani SS group within the Azerbaijani National Committee between 1943-44, and after the war, he fled to Chile.

RALLIES IN THE CAUCASUS

On August 23, 1942, an anti-fascist rally was held in Tbilisi, attended by the peoples of the Caucasus. Oaths were taken to defend the freedom and independence of the South Caucasian peoples to the end. At the rally, Samed Vurgun exclaimed: "May the flame of wrath burning in our hearts, like a torrent of fiery volcanic lava, descend upon those who raise the banner of death and desolation over our lands. An eye for an eye, death for death! The foot of fascist invaders shall not touch the land where Nizami Ganjavi rests. May the deep valleys and unseen streams of the Caucasus mountains be a grave for the German invaders! I invite you to hate the enemy."

In the five months of fighting in the Caucasus, over a hundred thousand soldiers died in the ranks of the Red Army. Thanks to the resistance of the Soviet army on the Caucasian front, the German forces there were prevented from being sent to Stalingrad.

In present-day Azerbaijan, May 9, the date of Germany's unconditional surrender, is still celebrated as Victory Day (Qələbə Günü).

HEYDAR ALIYEV'S ENTRY INTO THE KGB

Hüseyin Adıgüzel states in his book, ZIRVE: HAYDAR ALIYEV’İN HAYATI (page 44):

"The Germans continued their attacks for two years. In the battles fought, many Turks were captured by the German army. Upon the Germans' promise of independence and freedom after the war and victory to these Turkish and Muslim prisoners, they began to fight against the USSR armies, this time in German uniforms. Thousands of Azerbaijani Turks were also part of these units, called the Turkestan Regiments. In 1943, Hitler's armies were defeated before Stalingrad and began to retreat in disarray. The Turkestan regiments also retreated in the same way. Stalin wanted the NKVD (KGB) organization to be strengthened and new recruits to be taken into the organization to catch these traitors and for them to carry out sabotage within the enemy. To fulfill Stalin's request, many new recruits were taken into the NKVD at that time. Heydar Aliyev was assigned to the NKVD (KGB) unit in 1944."

As can be understood from the text above, Heydar Aliyev took office in the KGB in 1944, with the aim of finding and punishing Soviet citizens who were Nazi collaborators and traitors.

HEYDAR ALIYEV AND HÜSNÜ BİNGÖL

From 1941 onwards, Heydar Aliyev served as a branch manager in the Nakhchivan ASSR People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs and the Nakhchivan ASSR Council of Commissars. At the age of 20, he joined the Communist Party, and a year later, he was assigned by the party to the intelligence service (state security committee). From 1944, he joined the KGB. During his Nakhchivan years, did Aliyev, then 18-21 years old, hear the name Hüsnü Bingöl, who was working diligently on the other side of the border, managing a network of espionage and counter-espionage with superior skill? Was there any rapprochement between them in terms of cooperation to overcome some problems? Unfortunately, we have no document on this matter. However, I believe it would be beneficial for the reader to consider this issue.

ESCAPES FROM FOREIGN NAZI LEGIONS

Hitler did not trust the foreign legions he recruited from Red Army prisoners very much. Georgians, in particular, would contact the resistance forces of the country they were in (especially Italy and France) at the first opportunity and leave the Nazi ranks. However, there were almost no escapes in the Muslim Legions. They showed loyalty to Nazi principles and doctrines and ruthlessly carried out the tasks assigned to them. On one occasion, the Azerbaijan Legion burned dozens of villages and massacred the inhabitants on the pretext of providing assistance to the secret resistance organization in France. Nevertheless, many Azerbaijani soldiers on the Yugoslav front escaped from the Nazi Legions and joined Yugoslav partisan groups. After the war, they returned to Azerbaijan as heroes.

Here, I want to draw your attention to a very important point. There were also Nazi-collaborating Soviet citizens serving in the Armenian legion in the internment camp in Yozgat. How did they get there? Considering the tragic events between Armenians and Turks during the First World War, we can ask this question: After the war, would a soldier belonging to the Armenian legion prefer to surrender to America or England or another country, or would he flee to Turkey? I guess your answer. In that case, how will we explain the presence of Armenian legion soldiers in Yozgat? The situation is as follows: They were brought to the Caucasian border for a special mission by Germany with the support of the Turanist faction. When the war ended, they were not granted political refugee status because they were members of the Waffen-SS. However, during those years, tens of thousands of soldiers from various nations took refuge in Turkey, lived a quiet life in camps, and returned to their countries after the war. Some writers consider the soldiers in Yozgat as political refugees, and therefore consider their surrender to Stalin a crime against humanity. However, this is not correct because those in the Yozgat camp actively took on duties while in Turkey, and participated in intelligence and sabotage activities along the border. Since they were members of the Waffen-SS army affiliated with the NAZI party, they were considered and tried as war criminals by the Nuremberg court.

HITLER'S ASSESSMENT OF THE CAUCASUS

In Hitler's eyes, Armenians were Aryans, but Hitler did not trust Armenians. Hitler expressed his views on the peoples of the Caucasus as follows:

"I don't know much about Georgians. All I know is that they are not Turks. Among the peoples of the Caucasus, I only trust Muslims. I am suspicious of the sincerity of the others. Therefore, instead of forming a single Caucasian Union consisting of Georgians, Armenians, and other Caucasian peoples, I am in favor of establishing legions consisting only of Muslim units."

In 1942, legions composed of Turkestan and Caucasian Muslims participated in the battles on the Caucasian front. Military units such as "Bozkurt," "Cevat Han," "Aslan," "Korkmaz," "Dönmez," and "Vatan," which included more than 7,000 Azerbaijani soldiers, fought to take the Caucasus from the Soviets. They played an important role in the capture of strategic positions in Mozdok, Elbrus, and Kazbek. Thousands of Muslim soldiers in the Soviet army defected to these units.

PRIME MINISTER SARAÇOĞLU AND MARSHAL FEVZİ ÇAKMAK'S ADMIRATION FOR NAZIS

The relations between the Soviets and Turkey became very strained due to the Turkish Republic government's close relations with Germany during the war, its foreign trade with Germany in Reichsmarks, the printing of Turkish lira banknotes in Germany, the shipment of chromium (the raw material for stainless steel) to Germany, Minister Şükrü Saracoğlu's racist and national socialist sympathetic rhetoric, and the advisory services provided by retired and active Turkish generals to the German army conducting military operations in Crimea and the Caucasus. In fact, an active Turkish general inspecting units on the Caucasian front with Nazi officers in his officer's uniform was a casus belli. From this, it is understood that the Turanist front wanted to create a fait accompli and bring Turkey into the war on Germany's side, despite İnönü's resistance. In these years, Marshal Fevzi Çakmak condoned the infiltration of Nazi-collaborating Muslim Legion soldiers into the Caucasus from the Turkish border, along with local militia forces loyal to Kıyas Alkazak. These groups, infiltrating the Caucasus, carried out sabotage, propaganda, and anti-Soviet activities.

VON PAPEN'S SECRET MEETING

Von Papen made great efforts to support the Turanist movement in Turkey by Germany. He developed his relations with politicians, civilians, and military personnel. Ribbentrop sent a telegram to Von Papen on December 5, 1942. He informed him that he had ordered 5 million gold Reichsmarks to be sent to support German friends in Turkey (Kıyas Bey and foreign Nazi legions). Von Papen held a meeting with the leading figures of the Turanist faction in a secret location. Marshal Fevzi Çakmak, retired General Hüseyin Hüsnü Erkilet, Nuri Pasha, Kıyas Alkazak, and Imam Borluk were present at this meeting. An operation plan was prepared. Most importantly, selected soldiers from the Azerbaijani/Georgian/Armenian legions were to be assigned to the border region, and Kıyas Bey was authorized to prepare a militia force of 15,000 men. The money needed for Kıyas Bey to establish his militia army was handed over to Imam Borluk.

ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT ON VON PAPEN

Stalin was disturbed by Von Papen's activities. The Vatican representative's secret meetings with Von Papen further worried the Soviets. When it was learned that the purpose of the meetings was to secure a peace agreement between England and the USA and Germany, excluding the Soviets, this intelligence disturbed the Soviets. Therefore, the Soviets decided to assassinate Von Papen. Those assigned to kill Von Papen wanted to carry out this act with a bomb. The person who would carry out the assassination was a Yugoslav immigrant and communist named Ömer Tokat. The assassination attempt took place on February 24, 1942.

Franz Von Papen and his wife, who left their apartment for the embassy at mostly the same time every morning, escaped unharmed from the exploding bomb. The reason Papen and his wife were not injured was that the bomb exploded approximately seventeen meters away from them. The incident was immediately reported to the Ankara Police Department. Şükrü Saraçoğlu was informed. Papen applied to the authorities for a detailed investigation of the incident. Papen was seen to be very angry that day and demanded an urgent police investigation from Saraçoğlu. When the crime scene was examined, it was understood that the bomber died when the bomb exploded in his hand while throwing it, and the investigation quickly proceeded. His close friends, who were thought to have helped him, were also caught. Since Ömer Tokat died at the scene, information was obtained from his friends. According to the information given, Ömer Tokat was trained to assassinate two people belonging to a foreign state. Two people who helped and flattered him were caught. The trial of the two Russians, named George Pavlov and Leonid Kornilov, began in Ankara on April 1, 1942.

THE LONELY MAN: İNÖNÜ

Tension arose between England and Turkey when German ships passed through the Bosphorus. Foreign Minister Menemencioğlu stopped the passage. When Von Papen personally guaranteed that these were not warships, the ships continued to pass. Later, it was understood during the inspection by Turkish officials that the ships were not warships. Relations with England deteriorated, and Menemencioğlu resigned from his position as Foreign Minister. İnönü was now a lonely man.

ESTABLISHMENT OF SECRET CELLS IN TURKEY

Von Papen held a meeting with Prime Minister Saraçoğlu on August 27, 1942. In his report, Von Papen conveyed that Prime Minister Saraçoğlu, as a Turk and a Prime Minister, desired the destruction of Russia, which was the century-old dream of the Turkish people. Soviet citizens in Nazi uniforms, consisting of the three main peoples of the South Caucasus—Armenians, Azerbaijanis, and Georgians—received special training. The total number of this special group, which became extremely competent in intelligence, was around 200. The purpose of these cells, deployed in areas near the border in Turkey, was to intercept communications and transmit information to the Nazis. The plan was as follows: As soon as the Nazi armies crossed Mount Elbrus and entered the South Caucasus, Kıyas Bey would open a new front through Turkey with his organized militia force of 15,000 men and enter the South Caucasus.

However, after the defeat at Stalingrad, everything turned upside down. The special cells consisting of Armenians, Azerbaijanis, and Georgians were gathered in the Yozgat camp. Each ethnic group had a different colored Nazi uniform. Light blue was envisioned for Turkestanis, green for Azerbaijanis, purple for Georgians, yellow for Armenians, and brown for the peoples of the North Caucasus. In 1945, two civilians joined this group. Although they were in civilian clothes, these individuals, Enver Anar and Kadri Başaran—brothers-in-law of Ziyad Ebuzziya Bey, DP Konya Deputy—were Soviet citizens and former officers in the Red Army who later joined the Muslim Legions. However, when Hitler's defeat became certain, they fled to Turkey and sought refuge with their relatives, but they were caught in Istanbul and taken to the Yozgat camp.

BREAKING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH GERMANY

In the months following the Stalingrad defeat, on August 2, 1944, Turkey severed its diplomatic relations with Germany. Learning that diplomatic relations had been cut, Von Papen decided to leave Turkey and bid farewell to İnönü. İnönü told Von Papen that historical developments would not affect special relations, and then stated that he could mediate in peace talks in a possible situation. Von Papen left Ankara on August 5, 1944. He arrived in Berlin on August 8, 1944. Von Papen, who was seen off by large crowds in Istanbul, had his train stopped when he reached the German border, and he feared arrest. The reason the train was stopped was that his name was implicated in a failed assassination attempt against Hitler. It was understood that he had no involvement in the assassination.

STALIN'S WRATH AND OATH OF REVENGE

On November 7, 1941, on the occasion of the 24th anniversary of the October Revolution, Stalin made the following statement in a radio broadcast: "There are no Soviet prisoners of war, only traitors." One of his sons was captured by the Nazis and executed. His other son was wounded. 27 million Soviet citizens died in the war.

Stalin harbored the greatest resentment especially against Soviet citizens who left prisoner-of-war camps and joined the Muslim, Georgian, and Armenian Legions established by Hitler. He swore to take revenge on them at all costs. At the meeting he held with America and England in Yalta, he made it a crucial condition that captured prisoners be handed over to their countries of origin (February 4-11, 1945). When the war ended, Nazi-collaborating Muslim, Armenian, and Georgian Soviet citizens surrendered to the Americans and British out of fear. However, the Allied forces handed over these surrendered soldiers to Stalin in accordance with the terms of the agreement.

Turkey supposedly remained neutral in the war. However, the reality was different. Especially between 1941 and 1944, İnönü was sidelined by the Turanist faction, and Marshal Fevzi Çakmak, Prime Minister Saraçoğlu, and Nuri Pasha collaborated with Germany to realize Turanist ideals. On the one hand, they supported militia forces like Kıyas Bey, and on the other hand, they secretly assigned Turkish officers to fronts in the Caucasus. Not content with this, they secretly brought elite soldiers and intelligence officers from Nazi-collaborating Muslim, Georgian, and Armenian legions to Turkey for infiltration, sabotage, and propaganda in the Caucasus. When the Nazis were defeated at Stalingrad, İnönü came to the fore, immediately retired Marshal Fevzi Çakmak, and interned Nazi-collaborating Azerbaijani, Armenian, and Georgians in Turkey in the Yozgat camp. He wanted to execute Kıyas Bey, but Germany issued an ultimatum to Turkey. He immediately released the two Russians, George Pavlov and Leonid Kornilov, who were arrested for the assassination attempt on Von Papen.

WHO IS KIYAS ALKAZAK?

INTRODUCTION

The peoples of the Caucasus have a tradition of raising mythical heroes. Names like Sheikh (Imam) Shamil and Haji Murat, who lived in the 19th century, are perhaps the most frequently referenced romantic folk resistance fighters and leaders in our daily lives. In addition, a dozen "nameless heroes" with a passion for freedom and symbols of resistance have left their mark in the Caucasus mountains and departed from us in one way or another. Among these, I would especially like to commemorate Kıyas Bey. Kıyas Bey, about whom very little is known, is prominent as a personality worth researching, given his connections with Iğdır.

HIS LIFE

The late Hacı Turan Alkazak recounts:

"He was born in 1893 in the village of Şıhlı (City), Kazak district, Ganja province, Azerbaijan. His father's name was Cihangir, and his mother's name was Dürlü. He completed his primary and secondary education in Kazak and his higher education at the Moscow Military Academy (Harbiye). During the reign of Tsar Nicholas II (Nığalay), he served as a gendarmerie commander (pristav) in various parts of Azerbaijan and in Tbilisi. Following the Russian Bolshevik Revolution, during Lenin's time, they stripped him of his authority on the grounds that he was the son of an 'Agha.' For this reason, Kıyas Bey was subjected to various persecutions. He was arrested and imprisoned in a jail referred to as 'Kala.' He remained in prison for years.

In 1923, Kıyas Bey's friends raided Baku prison and freed Kıyas Bey. With 116 comrades, he organized guerrilla warfare in the Caucasus mountains. After this uninterrupted resistance for 8 years, he came to Turkey in 1932 with a group of 85 people. Following this, the Soviet Government imprisoned Kıyas Bey's mother, wife, and children.

His mother, Dürlü Hanım, and his son, Kemal, died in prison. The rest of the family was exiled to Kazakhstan. Kıyas Bey's two elder brothers were shot and killed.

Kıyas Bey and his friends first came and settled in Kars, then, with the help of his distant cousin, Iğdır National Security Inspector Hüsnü Bingöl, they chose Iğdır. Upon the Russians' complaint to the Turkish government, a decision was made to exile Kıyas Bey and his friends to Van.

Kıyas Bey, on his way to Van, called Atatürk when he arrived in Karaköse. The following conversation took place between them:

"Dear Pasha, we want to know the reason for our expulsion from Iğdır."

"We have to do this for your safety."

"Pasha, either hand us back to the Russians to be killed, or allow us to stay in Karaköse (Ağrı)."

"Alright, I will help you stay in Karaköse!"

"Thank you, Pasha!"

By Atatürk's order, settlement and land registry officials intervened and wanted to settle Kıyas Bey in Karaköse. However, he waived this right. He tried to continue his life on his own.

During the hottest days of World War II, in 1943, a secret agreement was made between Germany and Turkey. According to this, under the leadership of Kıyas Bey, Caucasian immigrants in Turkey would return to the Caucasus and open a new front to strike Soviet Russia from within. However, one of Kıyas Bey's friends, named İman Borluk, informed the Russians of these developments for 20,000 liras. Kıyas Bey and the muhajirs were caught with their weapons in Doğubayazıt.

Kıyas Bey was tried in Erzurum and sentenced to death to please the Russian Government. The German Government, informed of the developments, issued an ultimatum to the Turkish Government: "Either you release Kıyas Bey, or Germany will attack Turkey." Thereupon, the Government abandoned the execution of Kıyas Bey and exiled him to Gümüşhane until the end of the war.

Kıyas Bey returned to Kars in 1949, and to Ağrı in 1955. He settled in Bandırma in 1965. He passed away in 1970.

Kıyas Bey married in Ağrı. He had three sons and two daughters.

My father, Hasan Alkazak, was Kıyas Bey's own brother. He was born in 1900 in the village of Şıhlı, Kazak district, Ganja province. He studied in Kazak until the third grade of primary school. In 1935, he became a prison guard in Ağrı Prison, and in 1939, an Office warehouse clerk. In 1949, he resigned and went to Kars. In 1955, he settled in Iğdır. He passed away in Iğdır in 1980. Hasan Alkazak married in Iğdır. He had three sons and four daughters.

IMAM BORLUK'S BETRAYAL

Imam Borluk, an Azerbaijani from Kars, participated in the secret meeting held by Von Papen. The German Government handed over the necessary money for the militia force to be established under the leadership of Kıyas Bey to Imam Borluk. Meanwhile, Kıyas Bey, along with a friend from Bulanık, received heavy weapons and took them to the border region. Imam Borluk decided to turn the situation into an opportunity. He sold information to Soviet intelligence for 20,000 TL, stating that the Germans were preparing to open a new front in the South Caucasus via Turkey. Thus, Imam Borluk pocketed both the money given by the Germans and the money given by the Soviets. According to rumor, he bought a street full of shops in Kars city center with this money.

Let's turn to Kıyas Bey... Stalin issued an ultimatum to Turkey for the capture and execution of Kıyas Bey and his friends. Kıyas Bey was immediately arrested and tried for execution in Erzurum. Gürbüz Alkazak summarizes the situation as follows:

"My grandfather Hasan Alkazak (Kıyas Bey's brother) prepared a petition with the help of the Military Branch President. The Branch President, who went to his hometown, delivered the letter by hand to the German Consulate. This time, Germany issued an ultimatum to Turkey: Either Kıyas Bey would be released, or Germany would attack Turkey. Kıyas Bey escaped execution but remained under house arrest. He signed in every day for 3 years."

HAMZA AYGÜN RECOUNTS

"Hasan and Kıyas brothers were well-known and respected people in Ağrı city center. Especially Kıyas Bey was known by everyone, near and far. Kıyas Bey had made a name for himself especially due to two incidents. The first of these was the fight he had with Ziya Güner, Hüsnü Bingöl's brother-in-law.

Ziya Güner, originally from Hınıs, served as a lawyer in Ağrı. One day, an argument broke out between him and Kıyas Bey for a reason I don't know. At the height of the heated exchange, Ziya Güner reached for the pistol at his waist, but Kıyas Bey acted more quickly, drew his dagger, and slashed Ziya Güner's face with blows from left and right.

Hüsnü Bingöl, being Terekeme on one side, and not wanting both Kıyas Bey and his brother-in-law to suffer further from this enmity, intervened and, with difficulty, reconciled the parties.

After this fight, Ziya Güner came and settled in Iğdır. The dagger marks on his face were very deep and prominent. Some wounds were so deep that as they healed, they stretched the skin, and Ziya Güner's mouth was pulled to one side.

Ziya Güner was a very gentlemanly person. In his later years, he started working as an accountant at the cooperative. He had aged. His hand would tremble when writing; he would panic because his accounting knowledge was insufficient. In such situations, I would gladly help him and write his accounting ledger.

KIYAS BEY WAS IN THE NETWORK

The second event that brought Kıyas Bey's name to prominence is based on a secret mission he undertook during World War II: Hitler had set his sights on the Caucasus and its oil. Because he attached great importance to the Caucasus, he was in contact with certain segments of the region to create unrest in this area controlled by Soviet Russia. Turkey's intelligence units, especially Hüsnü Bey, closely monitored these connections; however, to avoid angering Germany, they turned a blind eye to the activities of this network.

As the war continued, two German planes, probably taking off from Odessa in German-occupied Ukraine, traveled a long distance and bombed Yerevan. Their fuel was not enough to return. The order given was to cross the Aras and land on Turkish territory after completing the mission. Soviet anti-aircraft guns in Yerevan shot down one plane. The second plane, wounded, barely managed to make it to this side of the Aras. It managed to land on a plain near Karakale. The two pilots who safely exited the plane set it on fire with their own hands.

I saw the two pilots with my own eyes. Two blond German youths whose mustaches had just sprouted... Since buses and trucks were not operating due to the war, two horses were assigned to the German pilots. They were sent towards Ağrı via Çıllê under the escort of a military detachment.

One day, the German Government had sent a Turkish-origin intelligence agent to Iğdır to coordinate the work in the region. To conceal his identity and mission, he had fabricated a story that the people would believe. Supposedly, they would hunt wild boars, make roast meat, and then send it to Germany as preserves. In those years, the Karahacılı and Adetli regions were within the forbidden zone, so they were literally teeming with wild boars. Wild boars hiding in reeds and swamps sometimes attacked people and could even cause serious harm. Someone I knew from Taşburun village was also attacked by these boars, injured, and became disabled.

The German intelligence agent of Turkish origin stayed in Iğdır for a long time. We would get news of developments because they came and went to our restaurant. One day, somehow, when the German government could no longer send money, the man sold the ring on his finger and barely managed to leave Iğdır.

Let's get to Kıyas Bey... The German Government had also provided weapons and ammunition to these groups it organized to create unrest in the Caucasus. Kıyas Bey, in this way, as a respected leader, controlled a considerable amount of weapons and ammunition. However, he later handed over all these weapons to the Turkish Government with his own hands.

I had the chance to meet Kıyas Bey personally because he came to our coffeehouse several times. He was a respected, dignified, and important person always surrounded by a crowd.

Hasan Bey was a large and brave man. During the years I was a factory manager, we would extend a helping hand to the experienced people of the town and support them. For this reason, I would arrange small jobs for Hasan Bey to help him out of his financial difficulties, for example, I would have him serve as an observer at the weighing scales."

HÜSNÜ BİNGÖL ON A NAZI HUNT

Since 1932, Hüsnü Bingöl was at the head of the espionage and counter-espionage network in the Eastern Anatolia region. Although he resided in a small district like Iğdır, bordering three countries, he kept his finger on the pulse of all Eastern Anatolia from there, following everything that happened minute by minute. When the Turanists seized power in 1941, it was not possible for them to immediately give up on Hüsnü Bingöl. Even if reluctantly, they continued to work together. Hüsnü Bingöl, in the process, closely monitored Nazi-collaborating Soviet citizens—Azerbaijanis, Armenians, and Georgians—who infiltrated the Soviet border from Turkish territory.

In 1944, after the Stalingrad defeat, İnönü, who finally regained control, purged the Turanists and gathered Nazi-collaborating Soviet citizens in the Yozgat camp. Meanwhile, he also had all Nazi-collaborating Soviet citizens who had fled to Turkey hoping to save their lives after the war caught one by one.

When it became certain that the Nazis would be defeated, İnönü, as a formality, declared war on Germany and Japan on February 23, 1945. By doing so, he also accepted the decisions made at the Yalta Conference. İnönü initially did not make much noise about the Soviet citizens who had served in Nazi-collaborating legions being interned in Turkey. In fact, there were many refugee camps in Turkey in those years. These camps housed people of all nationalities who had fled the war. Especially when the Dodecanese islands were occupied by Italy, Greek soldiers and civilians fleeing from there, and soldiers and civilians fleeing from Bulgaria, which was occupied by Germany, constituted the majority. Of course, we should not forget the Jews who fled the Nazis in Europe. The Red Cross helped the refugees. These were political refugees. They had not betrayed their countries, had not fought against the Allied forces, had not committed war crimes, and had only sought political asylum. To provide information, I would like to list the names of some of these camps: Edirne, Uzunköprü, Aydın, Nazilli, Denizli, Niğde, Yozgat, Sivas, Bergama, Kastamonu, and Gölcük. Among those who benefited from these camps were not only civilian Greeks but also Western Thracian Turks who served in the Greek army during the war, Greek soldiers, and military personnel. Furthermore, in those years, the traditional exchange of prisoners between the warring parties was largely carried out in Turkey.

Stalin was generally angry with Turkey because it had provided logistical support to Germany throughout the war and sold chromium. Moreover, high-ranking Turkish officials had provided advisory services to Hitler and spearheaded the formation of Nazi Muslim Legions. Turkish officers secretly (!) met with German commanders on the Crimean and Caucasian fronts and jointly assessed the situation. One Turkish military advisor, in particular, stood out: Retired General Hüseyin Hüsnü Erkilet.

RETIRED GENERAL HÜSEYİN HÜSNÜ ERKİLET

He was born in 1883 in Erkilet village, Kayseri. He was born in Gaza as the son of Major Emiroğlu Halil Bey and Azeri Şefika Hanım, who was born in Shusha. He served on various fronts during the War of Independence. He retired as a Lieutenant General in 1932. He joined the group of Marshal Fevzi Çakmak and Nuri Pasha, known for their Turanist tendencies. Despite being retired, he was the second most influential person in the army after Marshal Fevzi Çakmak.

Without the knowledge of President İnönü, in 1941, he went to Crimea with the Commander of the War Academies, Ali Fuad Erden Pasha. He inspected the German soldiers on the front and the Soviet Muslim units fighting on the German side. In fact, an active Turkish general inspecting German units in his officer's uniform was a casus belli. Erkilet Pasha visited Hitler, conveyed his views and impressions, and offered advice. In a sense, he acted as a German agent. (Readers who wish to see the official document can refer to the following internet page: http://www.wikizero.biz/index.php?q=aHR0cHM6Ly90ci53aWtpcGVkaWEub3JnL3dpa2kvRG9zeWE6RXJraWxldF9hbmRfRXJkZW5fb25fdGhlX0Vhc3Rlcm5fZnJvbnQuanBn

STALIN ISSUES AN ULTIMATUM

Stalin was aware of all this. He was biding his time to take revenge on Turkey. After the war, he issued an ultimatum to Turkey, demanding Kars, Ardahan, and Artvin, and claiming rights over the Straits. The morale of the Red Army, which had defeated the Nazis, was extremely high. If he wanted, he could attack Turkey and occupy these provinces in a short time. Indeed, some of the civilian population, knowing this, migrated to the West out of fear.

In this process, I believe Hüsnü Bingöl intervened. He had no ties with the Turanist faction. Kıyas Bey was a distant relative, but not a single person from Iğdır joined Kıyas Bey's 15,000-strong militia. He kept his distance from Kıyas Bey. He helped him with his personal problems when necessary but did not support Kıyas Bey's militia. Due to his duty, Hüsnü Bingöl was in contact with Soviet intelligence. Hüsnü Bingöl, who perceived his duty as protecting the borders of the National Pact, launched a counter-attack after the Stalingrad defeat to appease Stalin's wrath. Based on my readings and extensive research, my personal opinion, which has matured in my mind, is that Hüsnü Bingöl informed the Soviet intelligence he was in contact with that İnönü had retired the Nazi-sympathizing Marshal Fevzi Çakmak, imprisoned Nihal Atsız and other Turanists, and that Nuri Pasha had been assassinated. He even conveyed that they could hand over the Nazi-collaborating Soviet citizens interned in Yozgat if they wished. The possibility that someone other than Hüsnü Bingöl, who controlled the eastern border from one end to the other, provided this secret information to the other side seems weak. Unfortunately, the secret correspondence from that period has either been destroyed or is kept in secret places accessible to future researchers. If we consider that a campaign to discredit İnönü and Hüsnü Bingöl together was launched by certain circles after 1950, the accuracy of this information seems high.

Stalin evaluated Turkey's behavior within the framework of good intentions and demanded the immediate surrender of Soviet citizens he considered war criminals. The Nazi-collaborating soldiers, loaded onto trains, were handed over to Stalin on August 6, 1945 (the day the atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima) at the Akyaka railway border crossing. An important point to know is that not only Azerbaijanis were handed over. Also, there were no children, women, or elderly among them. Only two prisoners were in civilian clothes but were of military origin. The rest were wearing Nazi uniforms of different colors or unmarked soldier's uniforms. The execution or the manner of execution of the surrendered soldiers also loses its importance. At first, we might find the execution cruel and be saddened. This is a human emotion, but the conditions of the time were different.

Considering the reality of Azerbaijan, which sent 700,000 soldiers to the Red Army, 300,000 of whom were killed by the Nazis, and the rest were either disabled or captured, I would like to ask this question: What kind of punishment would the Azerbaijani National Poet Samed Vurgun, who organized anti-fascist rallies, or Heydar Aliyev, who worked in the KGB (from 1944 onwards) in those years, have prescribed for the "traitorous" Azerbaijani/Georgian/Armenian soldiers handed over by İnönü? Whatever punishment they might have wanted to prescribe, Stalin applied the same punishment. He either shot them or exiled them to Siberia. Many writers express the opinion, "If Atatürk had been alive, he would have resisted Stalin and not handed over the Azerbaijani soldiers." Atatürk, who forced a hero like Mehmet Emin Resulzade out of the country under Stalin's pressure, would have applied the same policy followed by İnönü without hesitation. Because for Atatürk and İnönü, the principle of the National Pact was essential.

Or we can take this example: Çerkez Ethem, who served in the ranks of the National Struggle forces during the War of Independence and rendered great services, one day betrayed and took refuge with the enemy, the Greeks. If the Greeks had handed Çerkez Ethem over to Mustafa Kemal, what would have been his fate?

AKYAKA BORDER GATE

The Akyaka border gate is 66 km from Kars. There is only a railway crossing. Its old name was Kızılçakçak. Its popular name is "Eastern Gate." On the Armenian side, the gate is called Akhuryan. In addition, due to the village of Tignis (Kalkankale) or the castle of Tignis, which is part of the Akyaka district, the name of this gate has been given as "Tiknis," "Tignis," or "Tıhmıs" in some official correspondence.

Here I must open a parenthesis. It is assumed that the doors that closed on the prisoners loaded onto the train in Yozgat would open in the Soviet Union after the train passed the Akyaka border gate. This is not true. In those years, the Kars-Akyaka-Gyumri line was built by the Russians, so it was a narrow gauge. The prisoners had to be transferred to another train in Kars. It was at that moment that emotional moments were experienced. The people felt sorry for the young people sent to their deaths. They were right! But the brutality of war conditions was above everything else.

“WHY WAS THE "BORALTAN BRIDGE" LIE FABRICATED?

When the Democrat Party (DP) came to power in 1950, the pressure on the Turanists decreased, and their path was even cleared. Şevket Mocan, DP Tekirdağ Deputy, known for his anti-Communist stance, who made a special effort to strip Nazım Hikmet of his citizenship, and who was married to Nazım Hikmet's aunt, was the first to voice the delivery of war criminal Soviet citizens from the parliamentary rostrum. Mocan stated that this delivery was made through the Tıhmıs (i.e., Tignis/Akyaka) gate. He was right. But those delivered were not innocent civilian Azerbaijanis or political refugees.

Indeed, when Mocan accused him of "speaking like the lawyer of the CHP government," his party colleague, Minister of Justice Nasuhioğlu, could not stand it and took the floor: "If Mr. Mocan claims that there is a criminal aspect to the incident, he can request a parliamentary inquiry. If there are culprits, they will be punished." The interesting thing is that Mocan never made such a request.

The aim of the "Boraltan Bridge" lie was to create emotional exploitation, to revive the fading Turanist ideals, and to try and punish İnönü as a war criminal if necessary.

You might ask how people believe a lie: The answer is given by Hitler's and perhaps the world's greatest propaganda chief, Joseph Goebbels:

"If you tell a big enough lie and repeat it often enough, people will eventually come to believe it."

Because the "Boraltan Bridge" lie was constantly repeated, it was accepted by the public, and people believed it. So much so that everyone who came along wrote a "Boraltan Tragedy" scenario.

MY SUGGESTION TO THE IĞDIR PUBLIC AND AUTHORITIES

Hundreds of articles and books were written, and films were made, based on the "Boraltan Bridge" lie. In fact, a bomb exploded in a cinema hall during the screening of a film inspired by the Boraltan lie, starring Cüneyt Arkın, and subsequently, the Maraş massacre broke out.

The purpose of the "Boraltan Bridge" lie was, on the one hand, to contribute to the campaign to demonize the Communist regime, which was popular and valued during the Cold War years, through emotional exploitation, and on the other hand, to bring the Turanist idea to the forefront. Such a scenario was needed in those years. However, the Cold War era ended. If Iğdır's writers and intellectuals want to find a real "civilian tragedy," they do not need to take refuge in a dream world or go far away... The real tragedy unfolded before our eyes.

Just ten days ago, I was in Iğdır. I went to visit Şaban Öztürk Emmi in Taşburun. When I asked him how old he was, Şaban Emmi, who had been bedridden for seven years, answered with difficulty:

"I was born in 1925 in the village of Karabazar, Yerevan. When I was a two-month-old baby in my mother's arms, my family illegally crossed the Aras and settled in Taşburun. As we were crossing the Aras, the swaddling clothes I was wrapped in were swept away by the rushing waters. My mother cried for help:

'Save my son!'

Someone caught me and threw me to the shore. That's how I came to Turkey."

Şaban Emmi was lucky. Someone caught the swaddling clothes and threw them like a ball to the Turkish side. That's how Şaban Emmi met Turkey. This time, his son Oktay Öztürk interjects:

"Due to persecution and massacres in Armenia, the Azerbaijani population fled and came to Taşburun between 1927 and 1932. Those who fled were crossing the Aras at a point near Dize village. They usually preferred the winter months. In this season, the water level of the Aras decreases, making the crossing easier. But the water is ice cold. In fact, one of my father's uncles died of freezing. He was buried in Cennetabat village. Many brides, girls, and elderly women drowned or were swept away by the current. On one occasion, it was impossible to pull a drowned woman out of the water. They tried to remove the ring from her finger, and when they failed, they cut off her finger to take the ring. My grandfather protected the convoy with a gun to save the civilian population from the massacre. On one occasion, he clashed with Armenians. He was wounded in the leg but managed to cross the Aras and come to Taşburun. As children, we would gather around my grandfather and show the wound on his leg:

'Grandpa! What kind of wound is this?'

'Oh son! It was hit by an Armenian dığa's bullet.' (Dığa: Young man, lad)"

Dear readers! Thousands of tragic events like this occurred in the Iğdır plain and along the Aras. These tragedies were not brought to the forefront, no novels were written, no films were made. The real tragedy and suffering were pushed into the background by imaginary "Boraltan Tragedy" lies and emotional exploitation. From here, I call out to all my fellow Iğdır citizens and authorities: Let's erect an "Özgür Vatan" (Free Homeland) monument in Taşburun village in memory of those who died while crossing the Aras. This monument will be our true Boraltan Bridge.

EXCERPTS FROM HÜSNÜ BİNGÖL'S LIFE IN IĞDIR

GERMAN MUHARREM

Hamza Aygün recounts:

"Muharrem Bey, originally from the Caucasus, participated in World War II as a soldier in the Soviet Army and was captured by the Germans in a skirmish. Muharrem Bey, who spent many years as a prisoner of war in German military prisons, chose to come to Turkey instead of his homeland after the war ended in 1945, using his right of preference.

Muharrem Bey, who resided in Istanbul for a while, later came and settled in Iğdır. Because he serialized his war years and especially his years of captivity to the townspeople in the form of memoirs, over time, he became known as 'German Muharrem' among the people."

HAMZA AYGÜN RECOUNTS

I would like to talk about the siblings Hacı Cahide, Mahide, Kadir, and Fatma Ertan. When these siblings were still children, their father, Rıza Bey, faced an unjust accusation. He committed suicide due to this situation, which he could not bear for his honor and pride. The unjust accusation that led to this tragic event came about as follows:

A few years after the establishment of the Republic, the government, with a sudden decision, began to purge officers who had not participated in the war during the National Struggle years due to reasons such as "pro-sultanate" sentiments, from the army and their civilian duties. For example, Cemal Bey, who served as the director of the Agricultural Credit Cooperative in Iğdır in those years, was removed from his position under this suspicion. One of the victims of this practice was Rıza Bey. When Rıza Bey, who was the director of the Iğdır Reci Office (Tekel), was removed from his position under the same suspicion, he made it a matter of honor. However, everyone knew that Rıza Bey had been captured by British forces on the Iraqi front during the National Struggle years and therefore could not participate in the National Struggle. When Rıza Bey was accused in this way without even being given a chance to defend himself, he found a way out that plunged the town into mourning.

After Rıza Bey's death, Hüsnü Bingöl took this family under his wing and supported them in their problems.

HAMZA AYGÜN RECOUNTS

Eşref Kaya came to Iğdır alone in 1936-37, fleeing from the Soviet Union. He was a tall, handsome man. He was of Terekeme origin. Soon, Hüsnü Bingöl took an interest in Eşref Kaya and helped him with his problems. He started working as an officer at the Cotton Agricultural Sales Cooperative.

He married Fatma Hanım, the daughter of Hüseyin Kulu and Ziver Hanım, from Hacı Ümmet Uşağı of Iğdırmava. When Hüseyin Kulu passed away, Eşref Kaya managed the family fortune as the head of the family. For a while, he operated the "Kars Palas" hotel in Kars city center. After 5-10 years, he handed over this hotel to Veyis Koçulu and returned to Iğdır.

With the special interest and help of Deputy Mehmet Hazer, he became the director of Iğdır PTSK. After working there for a year or two, he moved to Istanbul around the time the cooperative was liquidated. He started working in Istanbul as the manager of a hotel owned by Veyis Koçulu. One day, he went to Iğdır to liquidate his real estate. He died of a sudden heart attack.

HAMZA AYGÜN RECOUNTS

Enver Ogan's father, Meşe Eset, was the headman of Melekli village. He was a fearless and determined man. During World War II, there were many outlaws and bandits in that region. One of them was the famous "Çilli." Meşe Eset gained fame as the man who had "Çilli" caught.

Çilli regularly traveled to and from Iran during the years the Russians occupied Iran (1945-47). This situation greatly disturbed Hüsnü Bingöl. His men (Rutto) constantly followed him, but they could not corner him. Finally, when "Çilli" was caught with the help of Meşe Eset, they breathed a sigh of relief. In the same way, "Eşto," who was also known as an outlaw, was neutralized thanks to Meşe Eset's efforts and courage. Kör Hacı, Iğdır's nightmare, who killed a gendarmerie soldier, voluntarily went to Meşe Eset and surrendered. It is rumored that Hüsnü Bingöl said about Kör Hacı: "Look at this! Everyone is afraid of me, and I am afraid of Kör Hacı."

HAMZA AYGÜN RECOUNTS

There were two people in Iğdır nicknamed "Uzun Mahmut." The first was originally from Kadıkışlak village. He was an enlightened and cultured gentleman. He usually lived in Iğdır. He had valuable properties in the town center. He had a son named Yunus and a daughter named Hikmet. Mahmut Bey, who loved horse riding, would dance cheerfully at weddings and was always sought after by his loving friends.

The family of the second "Uzun Mahmut" had migrated from the Caucasus. After his father's death, his mother married his uncle Hüseyin Ali Bey. The family initially made a living by operating a horse-drawn carriage in the form of a "Furgon." They entered trade and were quite successful. Mahmut Bey entered civil service after secondary education. Mahmut Bey was a very good horseman. For this reason, he never left the side of Hüsnü Bingöl, the Iğdır National Security Inspector, who retired from the army with the rank of Major Cavalry, and loved to be seen with him as much as possible.

HACI ALİ ESKER BAĞCI RECOUNTS

The first commercial phaetons were brought by Keçel Kasım and Meşhedi Abbas. Keçel Kasım was a close friend of Hüsnü Bingöl. Nağı Odoğlu also had a private phaeton. It was a very different phaeton. No matter how deep the wheels went into potholes, it would sway like a cradle, making those inside comfortable. When I started phaeton driving (1944), there were about 20 phaetons in Iğdır. The best phaetons came from Afyon or Sivas. Later, horses went out of fashion, and taxis began to proliferate. The first taxi in Iğdır was driven by Yakup, Şamil Bey's son. It was an old black car. In the 1970s, the phaeton driving profession had completely fallen out of favor and was on the verge of disappearing.

CELAL BAŞER RECOUNTS

NOTE: The late Celal Başer from Ağrı was one of the first representatives of the Turanist movement in Eastern Anatolia. He was arrested along with Nihal Atsız in 1944. He was subjected to severe torture.

"After being released, I started looking for ways to earn a living. There was no soda factory in Ağrı. I rolled up my sleeves to undertake such an enterprise. But first, I had to examine how a soda factory was established. Since there was a soda factory in Iğdır, I decided to investigate the situation on site.

I visited Hüsnü Bingöl and asked for his help. He told me, "Go and give my regards to the owner of the soda factory. He will do what is necessary."

It was past noon. I entered the office of the soda factory owner, who was also a baker and originally from Yusufeli. I explained my problem and asked, "Would you help me set up a factory in Ağrı?" Probably because he didn't want competition to increase in neighboring provinces and districts, he flatly rejected my offer, saying, "I don't have time!" Since I needed at least a rough plan to open a soda factory, I asked him to at least give me the plan he had. He dismissed me, saying, "There is no plan!"

There was a calendar hanging on the wall. On the cardboard, there was a diagram showing how the units of a soda factory were connected to each other. "At least give me this calendar!" I said. "It's the last calendar I have! Impossible! If you pay 350 liras, you can have it." "Come and set up the factory, produce a case of soda, and I'll give you 350 liras," I said. The man looked up stubbornly and said, "No!"

I walked out sadly, thinking to myself, "What can I do?" A good idea came to my mind. I frequently went to the office, making excuses, and memorized the plan on the calendar. A few days later, although not exactly the same as the one on the calendar, I had a plan showing the layout of a soda factory. Now I could return to Ağrı and set up the factory. Before returning, I wanted to stop by Hüsnü Bingöl and politely say "Goodbye." Hüsnü Bingöl asked curiously, "Well, did he help?" When I told him the situation, he said, "Well done, my nephew. Be sharp like that!" I opened Ağrı's first soda factory, costing 4000 liras.

Hüsnü Bey's brother, Captain Şakir Bey, once argued with the judge in Ağrı. The judge arrested Şakir Bey and put him in prison. Thereupon, Şakir Bey telegraphed Hüsnü Bingöl, saying, "Come quickly. The judge unjustly arrested me." Hüsnü Bingöl sent this short reply to the telegram:

"Respect the judge!"

Hüsnü Bey was indeed an extremely honorable person who valued state etiquette. He would not take sides even if his own brother was in the wrong.

IMPORTANT NOTE

I had a phone conversation with Mr. Cafer Sadık Erol, former MHP Provincial Chairman of Iğdır, whom I highly value. In my previous article, I had mentioned our Azerbaijani brothers who illegally crossed the Aras River from Armenia and settled in Iğdır. Cafer Sadık Bey said that some of my readers might interpret the article as if all Azerbaijanis living in Iğdır settled there after 1920 by illegally crossing the Aras. Of course, I did not make such a claim in the content of my article. To help my readers, I would like to remind them of the settlement areas of the four ancient peoples who lived in Iğdır before 1920, as mentioned in Mecit Hun's memoirs written in 1997 (http://www.igdirsevdasi.com/cilt1/5mecit.pdf):

ARMENIANS

Iğdır center (excluding Iğdırmava and Sultanabat), Alkamerli, Halfeli, Hoşhaber, Hakveyis, Özdemir, Pulur, Yüzbaşılar, Kadıkışlak, Tecirli, Evci villages; Mürşitali, Alican, Taşburun villages of Karakoyun district and Yukarı Topraklı village of Aralık district;

AZERBAIJANIS

Iğdırmava and Sultanabat neighborhoods of Iğdır center, and Küllük, Çalpala, Bayraktutan, Aşağı and Yukarı Çarıkçılar, Yaycı, Çavuşbahçe, Kasımcan, Kazancı, Kuzugüden, Erhacılar, Melekli, Taşlıca, Sıçanlı, Kundo, Alıköçek, Oba, Sarıçoban; in Karakoyunlu, Karakoyun district center, Bayatdoğanşalı, Zülfikar, Cennetabat, Gökçeli, Kacardoğanşalı, Koçkıran and Şireci villages; in Aralık, Aralık district center, Aşağı Çiftlik, Emince, Ortaköy, Tazeköy, Yukarı Çiftlik and Hasanhan villages;

KURDISH TRIBES

In Iğdır; in Asma, Çilli, Gülpınar, Mezra, Örüşmüş, Suveren villages; in Bulakbaşı village of Karakoyun district; in Adetli, Aratan, Babacan, Gödekli, Hacıağa, Karahacılı, Kıraçbağı, Kulukent, Ramazankent, Tarlabaşı, Yenidoğan, Çamurlular, Aşağı Topraklı villages of Aralık district;

YAZIDI KURDS

They resided in Karakuyu, Bendemurat, Karaçomak, Güngörmez, Harmandöven, Nişankaya villages. There were almost no Armenians in Tuzluca. Yazidis lived in Aslanlı and Sinek villages, and Kurdish tribes and Azerbaijanis lived in other villages.

In short, Azerbaijanis are an ancient people of Iğdır's land. Similarly, Armenians, Yazidi Kurds, and Muslim Kurds are also ancient peoples of Iğdır's land. However, let's not forget that there were Azerbaijanis who illegally crossed the Aras and came to Iğdır after 1920! (Although the word "ancient" means "very, very old," in a historical sense, it refers to the last 200-300 years. Like many of us, I don't know where our ancestors were 300 years ago.)

(TO BE CONTINUED)

FAREWELL TO HÜSNÜ BİNGÖL