Iğdır and the Mount Ararat Rebellion – Part 6

HOYBUN SOCIETY AND SALIH PASHA FACE OFF

The Hoybun Society was certainly not a military organization. Most of its members had almost no military experience. The most competent figure in this regard was Captain Ihsan Nuri, an Ottoman soldier (1893-1976). The Hoybun Society honored Ihsan Nuri Bey with the rank of "General," or "Pasha," and tasked him with organizing the Mount Ararat Rebellion on a military basis. From that day forward, he was known as "Ihsan Nuri Pasha."

Ihsan Nuri Pasha was born in 1893 in the province of Bitlis. After completing his primary education in Bitlis, he enrolled in the Erzincan Military Junior High School. He entered the War College in Istanbul and, upon graduating in 1910, joined the Ottoman army with the rank of Lieutenant. He undertook various duties during World War I. After the war, he contacted the Kurdistan Teali Society, and on March 30, 1919, an article by him on Wilson's Principles was published in Jîn magazine. For a time, he served under Kâzım Karabekir and participated in the Armenia Campaign that erupted in September 1920. He was wounded and transferred to Sarıkamış. Meanwhile, he joined the Azadî organization led by Cibranlı Halit. His friendship with Numan Efendi began in these years.

THREE INTERTWINED CIRCLES

When Ihsan Nuri Pasha arrived at Mount Ararat with 20 fighters, there were already spontaneously formed military teams, or "detachments," under Bıro Heski Telli and Ferzende Beg. Their numbers were not very large. However, they were a well-organized and determined group, capable of repelling a possible military operation. The ideal of "Kurdistan" was not yet in their hearts. Soon after, Ihsan Nuri Pasha devised a rebellion plan: three intertwined circles. Before going into the details of this plan, I would like to inform my readers about a few matters.

Ihsan Nuri Pasha established a military organizational system and created a rank hierarchy. He declared the village of Kurdava as the temporary capital. He set up headquarters. He hoisted the Kurdish flag at its entrance. He published a newspaper called Agirî using the printing press sent by Hoybun. He declared the Republic of Ararat. Armenians in Iran had special uniforms made for Ihsan Nuri Pasha and Ibrahim Agha, complete with pasha ranks. Ihsan Nuri Pasha assigned tasks to Kurdish dervishes, clerics, and dengbêjs (Kurdish bards) rather than the Agirî newspaper to convey the Kurdish cause to the people.

Upon Hoybun's call, especially families affected by the 1926 Law on Aghas and Beys joined the rebellion. Why did Hamidiye Regiment commanders or their children, in particular, want to join the Mount Ararat Rebellion? There is a need for an interim explanation for this:

ELEŞREF BEY AND KAZIM KARABEKIR PASHA

I wrote before: Eleşref Bey was an officer in the Tsarist Russian army with the rank of General. There is a tradition in the Torun family: a Muslim does not kill another Muslim. This tradition passed from Gulicevher Agha to his sons. In the 1877-78 Ottoman-Russian War, Eyüp Pasha, son of Gulicevher Agha, who commanded Kurdish cavalry units, secretly sent a message to the Ottoman army through Mihe Kazak of the Gêloî tribe and informed them about Russian war plans. When the war began, the Russians fell into a trap. Eyüp Pasha was blamed for the defeat. He fled and sought refuge with the Ottomans. The Ottoman administration gave him the village of Küpkıran in Ağrı as a settlement.

A similar event occurred again in the 1914-15 war. This time, Eleşref Bey, as the commander of Kurdish cavalry units, was preparing to attack the Ottomans with the Russian army. Eleşref Bey found a way to give a letter to a traveling merchant named Hesene Çerçi (father of Hacı Ömer Şark) and asked him to deliver it to Kazım Karabekir Pasha. When the Russians attacked, they realized they had fallen into a trap when they encountered strong resistance in the province of Bayezid. Eleşref Bey, having drawn suspicion, sought refuge with the Ottomans. Although during the 1917 Russian Revolution, Trotsky sent a letter to Eleşref Bey, asking him to participate in the Russian Revolution. However, Eleşref Bey preferred the Muslim Ottomans to Communist Russia.

The late Mele Şevket Aktaş recounts:

"Eleşref Bey wanted to contact Kazım Karabekir Pasha. On one occasion, he went to Kars and appeared before the Pasha. He introduced himself. Karabekir Pasha asked suspiciously, 'Yes! I have heard of someone by that name. Is that really you?' Eleşref Bey took off his overcoat and stood before the pasha in his Russian general's epaulets and jacket. Karabekir Pasha respectfully kissed the hand of the older and more experienced general, saying, 'Come in, father!' and offered him a place with deference.

"'General, I am very pleased that you have joined us! We will inform Mustafa Kemal as soon as possible and invite you to lead our army.'

"'No,' said Eleşref Bey, 'I lived for many years hoping that we would be reunited with Turkey. I see that those days are very near! On such a day, I feel more like a 'true soldier' than a general, and I ask you to give me such a duty.'"

Eleşref Bey was granted a pension during the Republican era for his services and did not leave Iğdır until his death. Thus, he became a close friend of Kazım Karabekir Pasha and earned his love and respect.

The late Süleyman Kutlay tells another incident:

"In the early 1920s, as the Hamidiye Regiments were gradually being disbanded, one day the prominent Kurdish aghas and beys of the region made a request to Eleşref Bey: 'Karabekir Pasha is your close friend. Our request to him is to restore our old ranks and titles. He will not refuse you!'

Eleşref Bey, taking my grandfather Yusuf Bey with him, rode on horseback to Sarıkamış. They stayed in an inn. The next day, they appeared before Karabekir Pasha. My grandfather used to recount the conversation that took place there:

"'The two pashas greeted each other with friendship and respect. After a pleasant conversation, Eleşref Bey brought up the matter:

"'Pasha, the Kurdish aghas and beys sent me. They have a request. They want their ranks from the Hamidiye Regiment era back.'

"'My dear Pasha! The old era is over. Tell me, Pasha, if you were the state, would you give them back their positions?'

"'No! There is no need for that when there is a regular army!'

"'Send word to the aghas and beys. The country is saved; now everyone should return to their trade and work.'"

When Eleşref Bey conveyed this message to the aghas and beys, no one was pleased.

***

Soon after, with the 1926 Law on Aghas and Beys, especially the commanders and families of the Hamidiye Regiments were exiled to the West, increasing unrest. After the amnesty, many leaders and their children belonging to this group voluntarily joined the Mount Ararat Rebellion. Their aim, in a sense, was to gain power and bring to the agenda negotiations with the state for the re-establishment of the Hamidiye Regiments and their re-employment. My reader should know that a segment with such an understanding was also part of the rebellion movement.

Hacı Abdullah Çoktin, son of Ibrahim Agha, recounts:

"As the rebellion movement gained strength, our family made Mount Ararat its home. Our numbers grew daily with participants coming from everywhere. Ibrahim Agha organized the scattered forces that had gathered spontaneously, forming warrior groups called 'detachments.' Of course, at this stage, Ihsan Nuri Pasha and Sheikh Abdülkadir were not part of the struggle. The government sent intermediaries several times, offering peace. In a bilateral meeting initiated by Nidai Pasha, the government intended to give my father the village of Karakent and make an agreement. When a warrior named Mısto from the Gêloî tribe, my father's right-hand man, accused my father of weakness and surrender in the middle of the meeting, my father gave up on making peace and returned to Mount Ararat. Thus, the rebellion entered its second phase. Soon after (1927), many, including Ferzende, Süleyman Ahmed, Halis Beg, the two sons of Kör Hüseyin Pasha, and many others, came to the region, settled, and requested my father's help. My father got along very well with them, providing all their weapon and supply needs. I remember he personally opened tents for the two sons of Kör Hüseyin Pasha and hosted them for months. Ihsan Nuri Pasha also came to the region and contacted my father regarding the direction and administration of the rebellion. In those years, Sheikh Abdülkadir, as the leader of the Sakan tribe, acted independently of the rebels and was not physically present on Mount Ararat."

On May 9, 1928, the Republic of Turkey issued an amnesty law to break the resistance. When the resistors did not comply with the amnesty law, the Doğubayazıt Gendarmerie Command proposed a meeting, and the parties met at the Sheikhli bridge. Ankara granted Ihsan Nuri Pasha the right to go to any country he wished and promised a large sum of money. Several meetings were held, but no results were achieved.

My reader should know that from the beginning to the end of the rebellion (1926-30), secret peace talks were constantly kept alive between the rebels and state forces. Both sides were cautious and careful. Therefore, peace talks were valued more as a tactic to gain time, otherwise, they had no seriousness.

Ihsan Nuri Pasha met with Halit Agha, leader of the Helikan Tribe residing in Iran, and the leader of Mala Bozo, a sub-branch of the Sakan tribe, to strengthen logistical connections. Supplies, ammunition, and other necessities would be provided by fighters belonging to these two tribes. Additionally, a mobile infirmary was established to treat wounded fighters. There were no disruptions in the supply of provisions. Basic needs were met through Iran with money donated by Armenians. Despite this, looting, plunder, and banditry gained momentum on the Turkish side. Interestingly, while there were almost no looting incidents on the Bayezid Province side, looting incidents in Iğdır, Aralık, Tuzluca, and Kağızman, newly incorporated into the Republic's borders, never ceased. Looters forcibly raided Kurdish villages, drove away flocks of sheep, and transported these animals to Iran via Mount Ararat.

Hacı Abdullah Çoktin recounts:

"Some militia groups would bring animals they had looted from the people to Mount Ararat and sell them in Iran by crossing the border. Ibrahim Agha was against looting but could not control it. One day, the flocks of the Elyans in Orgof village were looted and sold in Iran. This incident caused verbal arguments in the camp but remained unresolved."

Meanwhile, I would like to open a parenthesis on the role of female fighters. Both Ihsan Nuri Pasha's wife Yaşar Hanım, and Ferzende Bey's wife Besna Hanım and her mother Ayşe Hanım were among the fighting women.

IHSAN NURI PASHA'S WAR STRATEGY

Learning from the Sheikh Said Rebellion, Ihsan Nuri Pasha prioritized guerrilla warfare in the form of hit-and-run tactics. In fact, this strategy was included in Hoybun's declaration at Ihsan Nuri Pasha's suggestion:

"To break the state's influence over the Kurds in Kurdistan by striking the army with guerrilla warfare without surrendering Ağrı to the enemy, to establish the idea of independence among the Kurdish people, and to prepare for a mass uprising."

In the Sheikh Said rebellion, there was no coordination among the rebel groups, and the main goal was to occupy and hold an entire district or province and create a form of defense that included civilians. When the army counterattacked, the fighting forces could not put up effective resistance as they had to protect both themselves and the civilian population. Ihsan Nuri Pasha decided to keep the civilian population out of the war. He was also not keen on occupying provinces or districts. Instead, he envisioned a war of attrition and guerrilla warfare spread over a wide area. He gathered guerrilla groups, which he called "detachments," on Mount Ararat with a certain discipline and coordination. Mount Ararat and its surrounding villages were for Ihsan Nuri Pasha the primary and most important circle.

Now it was time for the second move. The second circle included provinces and districts such as Iğdır, Tuzluca, Aralık, Ağrı, Diyadin, Eleşkirt, Hamur, Tutak, Patnos, Çaldıran, Muradiye, Erciş, Hınıs, Varto, Muş, and Bitlis. The Hasenan, Sipkan, Hayderan, Cibran, and other tribes living in this region adhered to Ihsan Nuri Pasha's organizational strategy. Cavalry guerrilla groups, numbering between 50 and 200 depending on the situation, were formed within each tribe. Their aim was to harass army units advancing towards Mount Ararat or stationed in this region, and to prevent their advance towards Mount Ararat, i.e., the "first circle." Because the "first circle" meant the Republic of Ararat. The longer it lasted, the more chance it would have to gather supporters in the world. Indeed, Ihsan Nuri Pasha was quite successful in this strategy. Thanks to guerrilla tactics, he successfully maintained the strength and continuity of the rebellion:

• Since guerrillas moved in groups, especially at night, Turkish warplanes, which had the largest warplane fleet in the Balkans and the Middle East, were in a sense helpless.
• Civilians did not burden the fighters as they continued their normal lives.
• The regular army had no experience in fighting guerrilla warfare.

During this period, the conflict continued with scattered and haphazard clashes over a wide area. The discipline and coordination Ihsan Nuri Pasha established among the guerrilla groups were at a high level. Ihsan Nuri Pasha's goal was to gain time, find supporters for the Republic of Ararat in the international diplomatic arena, and ensure its recognition. Armenians in the diaspora also accelerated their diplomatic lobbying activities for the recognition of the Republic of Ararat, even submitting a petition to the League of Nations requesting an assessment of the situation.

These developments made Mustafa Kemal uneasy. He realized that he was facing a different situation than the Sheikh Said Rebellion. He sensed that there were countries inclined to recognize a Kurdish State. He decided that this process needed to be ended quickly. He knew only one thing: the regular army had failed against guerrilla warfare.

THE REALITY OF THE KURDISH INTELLECTUAL

At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, many Kurdish organizations were established, especially in Istanbul. The interesting thing is that intellectuals belonging to the four segments I mentioned earlier (Kurmanji-Sunni/Kurmanji-Alevi/Zazaki-Sunni/Zazaki-Alevi) could come together in organizations established in cities and communicate with each other by speaking Turkish/Ottoman/French, depending on the situation. For example, both the Hoybun Society and the Azadi organization included intellectuals from these four groups. However, this unity and solidarity among high-level intellectuals did not resonate with the public. Because Kurdish intellectuals were unaware of this reality, they could not develop strategies suitable for the Kurdish geography. Everything was learned mostly through "trial and error," and the Kurdish people, especially civilians, paid a heavy price. In later years, Kurdish intellectuals tended to constantly blame the military, the army, and the government with the reflex of camouflaging their own mistakes and shortcomings.

THE THIRD CIRCLE

Ihsan Nuri Pasha had participated in the Sheikh Said Rebellion and had the chance to observe this rebellion movement in depth. He realized that the Kurds were divided into four parts and developed his strategy based on this. All the forces forming Ihsan Nuri Pasha's third circle were leaders and tribes belonging to the Kurmanji-Sunni group. Among these, three stood out: Sheikh Ahmed Barzani in Iraq, Haco Agha in Syria, and Sımko Agha in Iran.

Haco Agha was a figure whose personality was so important that he was declared "the father of the Kurds" by the famous Kurdish poet Cigerxwin before the Sheikh Said Rebellion. However, because he belonged to the Kurmanji-Sunni group, he set out from Syria with a cavalry unit of 3000 to supposedly help the Sheikh Said Rebellion, which was a Zazaki-Sunni uprising, but deliberately took a wrong route and did not go to help. Cigerxwin then declared Haco Agha a "two-faced traitor." Simko Agha was not much different. When necessary, he massacred Kurmanji-Shiite (Alevi) Kurds.

Ihsan Nuri Pasha wanted these three leaders to instigate local rebellions in their regions or attack military units, thereby implementing a tactic to partially distract the Iranian and Turkish soldiers who were trying to suppress the Mount Ararat rebellion. Interestingly, Haco Agha, who did not support the Zazaki-Sunni Sheikh Said Rebellion right next to him, took seriously the task given to him to support the Mount Ararat Rebellion hundreds of kilometers away, attacked Turkish military units, and tried to prevent their advance towards Mount Ararat. Similarly, Sheikh Ahmed Barzani also tried to open a new front by attacking Oramar. Simko Agha also tried to distract Turkish and Iranian military units by attacking them. It is worth repeating: the first circle of the Mount Ararat Rebellion consisted of the Celali tribes, and the second and third circles consisted of Kurmanji-Sunni Kurds. Ihsan Nuri Pasha could not get help from the other three segments of the Kurds (Kurmanji-Alevi/Zazaki-Sunni/Zazaki-Alevi).

Shah Reza Pahlavi was also disturbed by the Mount Ararat Rebellion. The reason for this was that there was a considerable Kurmanji-Sunni population in the region close to the Turkish border. A Kurdish Republic to be established would also bring these Kurds into its sphere of influence, creating unrest within Iran. Ihsan Nuri Pasha and Hoybun, while planning the rebellion movement, had thought:

"Iranians and Kurds are two kindred nations historically originating from the same root. Therefore, the Iranian government will not be disturbed by the establishment of a Kurdish state in Turkey. It will support us or at least not pressure the tribes in Iran that support us. Our logistical connection with Iran will not be cut off."

LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN KURDISH REBELLIONS

Kurdish rebellions that emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries followed a strikingly similar path. The rebellion was first planned by intellectuals, officers, politicians, aristocrats, educated individuals who had seen Europe, or Kurds who had enriched themselves in urban life. However, after the rebellion broke out, the leadership quickly changed hands, invariably passing into the control of spiritual, social, and political figures with the title of "Sheikh."

To give an example, the Azadi organization was secretly established in Erzurum in 1923 under the presidency of Colonel Cibranlı Halit Bey, with the participation of Kurdish intellectuals such as Yusuf Ziya Bey, Captain Ihsan Nuri, and Numan Efendi. Azadi set a date for the rebellion: May 1925. However, events unfolded differently, the rebellion broke out prematurely, and the leadership remained in the hands of Sheikh Said.

We see a similar situation in the Mount Ararat Rebellion. Hoybun, established with the participation of Kurdish intellectuals, officers, and aristocrats, assigned the task of starting the rebellion to Ihsan Nuri Pasha. After the Kotan-Sakan conflict, which I detailed in my previous writings, Sheikh Abdülkadir, the leader of the Sakan tribe who settled on Mount Ararat, gradually asserted his influence. Fighters gathered around him, his words carried weight, and his decisions were implemented without question. We can say that from the summer of 1929, the leadership completely passed into the hands of Sheikh Abdülkadir. Sheikh Abdülkadir also had his own war strategy.

MUSTAFA KEMAL'S INTUITION

The inability to suppress the rebellion movement, which began in 1926, sometimes intensified, sometimes continued at a slow pace, and spread over a wide area with the arrival of Ihsan Nuri Pasha, despite the armies sent, caused discomfort to Mustafa Kemal. In the Sheikh Said rebellion, there was no declaration of a state. Now the situation was different: the Republic of Ararat had been declared, and with the initiative of Armenian diplomats in the diaspora, countries were being persuaded to recognize the new Kurdish state. A petition had even been submitted to the League of Nations to discuss the situation. The situation was serious! Even if a single country recognized the Republic of Ararat, it would create a domino effect, and the situation could get out of control.

The main issue Mustafa Kemal focused on when he was alone with İsmet İnönü was this: Why could the army units not achieve the same success as in the Sheikh Said Rebellion? During the Ararat Rebellion, Kazım Karabekir Pasha was under house arrest. There was a significant group within the army loyal to Kazım Karabekir Pasha. Did this group, especially those serving in Eastern Anatolia, want to prolong the rebellion and, in a way, wear him down? Were they indirectly seeking retribution for Kazım Karabekir Pasha's trial and house arrest?

Mustafa Kemal reviewed the senior officers. He assigned the task of suppressing the Mount Ararat Rebellion to Salih Pasha, a native of Thessaloniki like himself, whom he could fully trust. Salih Pasha, who took over the duty in the spring of 1930, developed a new strategy from scratch, taking into account the characteristics of the local people. The unfolding events would prove Mustafa Kemal right.

In the spring of 1930, the rebellion movement was rapidly heading towards collapse for the reasons I listed below:

• Reza Pahlavi's decision
• Change in leadership and military strategy within the rebel cadre
• Involvement of aircraft
• Salih Pasha taking over the duty and determining a new strategy
• Soviets completely closing the border and providing military and logistical support to Turkey
• Tragic events within the tribes due to Hoybun's call
• Logistical support from the Keskoi tribe

Let's briefly discuss these factors if you wish:

REZA PAHLAVI'S STANCE

The Hoybun Society was one hundred percent sure that the rebellion movement would receive support from Iran. After all, Kurds and Persians belonged to the same race. Reza Pahlavi initially preferred to remain silent. The contact of the Ararat rebels with Simko Agha, who continued looting and rebellion within Iran, disturbed Reza Pahlavi. While planning to get rid of Simko Agha, finding supporters and assistance from Turkey led Reza Pahlavi to make the following decisions:

• To put pressure on the Celali tribes (Helikan and Mala Bozo) on the Iranian side of Mount Ararat and prevent them from providing logistical support to the rebels.
• To turn a blind eye to the Turkish army entering Iranian territory to pursue the rebels and to aircraft using Iranian airspace.
• To subject rebels caught on the Iranian side to punitive sanctions.
• To leave the door open to the Turkish side's proposals for border changes.

CHANGE IN LEADERSHIP WITHIN THE REBEL CADRE

When Sheikh Abdülkadir took over the leadership, there was a change in military strategy. The guerrilla warfare successfully implemented by Ihsan Nuri Pasha ended. Instead, just like in the Sheikh Said rebellion, the concept of occupying provinces and districts and creating liberated areas came to the forefront. This situation initially appealed to the fighters, as being among the people became a source of morale for them. However, this military strategy had more disadvantages:

• Because liberated areas were declared, the army attacked occupied villages, districts, and towns, fought with the rebels, and, when necessary, harmed civilians who supported the rebels.
• In the autumn of 1929, the Kurds took control of the area from the south of Ağrı to the south of Van as a liberated zone. Upon this, aircraft were deployed for the first time. They bombed the liberated areas. Civilians were massacred. This had a demoralizing effect on the fighters.
• Because the coordination and discipline that existed during guerrilla warfare were lost, a chaotic situation emerged.

INVOLVEMENT OF AIRCRAFT

During the rebellion, the Turkish air force fleet was the largest in the Balkans and the Middle East. A fleet of 100 British-made Letov S-16 aircraft continuously bombed rebel forces in the region defined as the "second circle," especially around the Zilan Valley. Although the rebels shot down some planes, this did not hinder the effective maneuverability of the aircraft. Planes, which could not play a role during guerrilla warfare, caused despair and helplessness in the liberated areas with their bombardments. Civilian massacres occurred in the Zilan Valley.

Hacı Abdullah Çoktin recounts a memory:

"Planes were flying over us. One was hit and fell in Qale. Ihsan Nuri was the first fighter to enter the wreckage of the fallen plane. He took the British-made machine gun inside and came out. Ihsan Nuri had barely moved away from the wreckage when the plane exploded and burned with a loud noise."

Ihsan Nuri Pasha, who penned his memoirs, transformed the air attacks into a romantic narrative, which is actually an expression of helplessness:

"Enemy planes frequently flew over Ağrı and bombed the people of Ağrı. Sometimes our fighters shot some down. The Turks no longer went to the place where the plane fell. One of them rose too high to escape our anti-aircraft guns. It had risen to the highest point of Ağrı. Ağrı could not tolerate this! Because until today, Ağrı had hidden its summit from humankind. Therefore, the plane rising so high bothered it. Ağrı could not accept that the enemy of its children was so brave and saw its summit by flying high! Mount Ararat created an air pocket and brought the plane down in the Aralık region."

SALIH PASHA ON DUTY

Salih Pasha was appointed Lieutenant General and commander of the 9th Army on March 18, 1930. Salih Pasha pursued a different strategy. He set his goals as follows:

• To ensure full control over Erciş, Zilan Valley, Tendürek, and Süphandağı, which are on the main route leading to Mount Ararat.
• To move the headquarters to Bayezid province.
• To reach and persuade the rebel tribal leaders.
• To recommend to the government that Little Mount Ararat be included within Turkish borders.

Salih Pasha razed 220 villages in the Zilan Valley. Clashes continued for days. The civilian population suffered the most. The Cumhuriyet Newspaper of July 16, 1930, reported the number of civilian deaths as 15,000. 5,000 of the dead were children, women, and the elderly. The Zilan Valley massacre remains a dark and painful page in the memory of the local people.

Salih Pasha, on the one hand, tried to reach and persuade the rebel leaders on Mount Ararat through couriers:

İsa Şen states in his memoirs:

"It was the spring of 1930. The Mametkan tribe set up their tents in Kerre and spent the lambing season there. The wealthy and herd-owning Mametkan people, who had spent previous summers in Aladağ and Sinek, decided to spend that summer among the rebels on Mount Ararat. With the beginning of summer, the state had surrounded Mount Ararat from all four sides and was preparing for a large-scale attack.

One day, Regiment Commander Sedai Bey came to our house. Knowing my father's headman status and his respected position within the tribe, he made a request to him:

"'Kerem Bey, go and talk to the elders of the Mametkan tribe. Persuade them to move away from Mount Ararat. Let them go to the Sinek plateau. If the attack starts, everything will be too late.'"

My father and my uncle Derviş Agha set off, found Bozo and Mamo Aghas, leaders of the Mametkan tribe on Mount Ararat, and explained the situation. A tribal leader present there intervened, saying, "The state cannot deal with the rebels. Don't listen to them. Stay with us." My father and uncle returned empty-handed.

At Salih Pasha's recommendation, the Government sent a new envoy to Iran. Negotiations were held for the inclusion of Little Mount Ararat into Turkey in exchange for some areas on the Van side being ceded to Iran. Reza Pahlavi, who thought that the Republic of Ararat to be established would cause trouble in the future, agreed to this exchange. Thus, the way was opened to encircle Mount Ararat with Turkish military forces from all sides. The architect of this success was Salih Pasha.

THE SOVIET STANCE

The Hoybun Society believed it would receive the greatest support from the Soviets during the Mount Ararat Rebellion. At the First Congress of the Peoples of the East, held in Baku between September 1-7, 1920, the right of peoples to self-determination was generally accepted. When the rebellion broke out, the Soviet stance developed in a surprisingly contradictory direction. The most important reason for this was the Soviets' belief that the British were behind the Mount Ararat Rebellion, and that the Republic of Ararat, if established, would fall under British domination and pose a serious threat to the Soviet Union's southern border. The reason the Soviets viewed the rebellion as a British project was the report that the famous British spy Lawrence had been seen around Makü.

The Soviets, who had not forgotten the bad memories of the Red Army-White Army civil war, saw the presence of a British military force near their borders as a danger, especially for the security of the Baku oil fields. The Soviets and the Comintern viewed the Mount Ararat Rebellion as a British project and declared it a "reactionary" rebellion. Unfortunately, this assessment by the Comintern would be used by the Turkish left against the Kurdish left for years, and the Mount Ararat Rebellion would be described as an "imperialist project."

The Soviets and the Turkish Government agreed on border security and mutual assistance. The Red Army was deployed along the Aras River, which formed the border, allowing not even a bird to fly, so to speak. When the rebel forces attacked the Aralık (Başkent) district with great force, Turkish soldiers retreated, crossed the Aras, and sought refuge with the Soviets. In another attack, this time the Red Army crossed the Aras into Turkish territory and supported the Turkish army against the rebels.

The Soviets did not stop there and put pressure on Iran. Unrest had begun in Soviet Armenia. In August 1930, the Soviets declared that if Turkey's proposed border change project was not accepted, they would declare war on Iran. To show their determination, the Soviet army even entered Iranian territory. Reza Pahlavi, understanding the seriousness of the situation, accepted Turkey's proposed border change project. Thus, it became possible to encircle the rebels.

In a book I researched in Moscow, there was a statement: "During the Mount Ararat Rebellion, the Soviet Union provided air support to Turkey." However, this statement did not clarify that Soviet planes bombed the rebels. The late Wekil Mustafayev, founder of the movement that declared autonomy in Red Kurdistan (Lachin) in 1992, stated in his memoirs that Soviet planes bombed the rebels during the Mount Ararat Rebellion. The Soviets did not stop there and handed over the captured rebels to Turkey.

In those years, the publications of the Communist International claimed that the Ağrı Kurdish Rebellion was instigated, armed, and financed by Britain. According to this, the aim was to establish a buffer state between Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and the Soviet Union, completely under British influence, and serving as a military base against the Soviet Union.

HOYBUN'S CALL TO THE TRIBES

From May 1930 onwards, Hoybun (or the leadership cadre on Mount Ararat) reached out to the tribes in the region through couriers, requesting the tribes to come en masse to Mount Ararat and join the rebel forces.

A dual pressure was exerted on the tribes. On the one hand, Salih Pasha tried to persuade and dissuade the tribes participating in the rebellion, while on the other hand, Hoybun sought to thwart this strategy by asking the rebel forces to take refuge on Mount Ararat. A chaotic situation ensued. If Hoybun had only asked the fighters to take refuge on Mount Ararat, this situation might have been understandable, but asking the tribes to take refuge on Mount Ararat en masse with civilians and animals had no military logic. This also shows that during this period, Ihsan Nuri Pasha was either sidelined in important decisions or proved inadequate.

Hoybun's request caused heated debates in some tribes. The elders of the Brukan tribe, settled in the Van region, also held a meeting to discuss the proposal. The late Kinyas Kartal, who graduated from the Russian Military School with the rank of Lieutenant, opposed the proposal, saying that it was a strategic mistake and amounted to sending civilians to their deaths. Some circles years later labeled Kinyas Kartal a "traitor." The truth is that Kinyas Kartal, an former Russian officer, approached the proposal from a military perspective and assessed the situation better than Hoybun.

The discussion dragged on. A segment within the tribe stated that they wanted to join the rebel forces. Tension increased. Weapons were drawn. Five elders of the tribe died. The group that wanted to join the rebel forces set off towards Mount Ararat via the Zilan Valley. However, they became targets of aircraft and military units. A large number of fighters and civilians died. The remaining scattered in all directions.

Gurci Selçuk says in his memoirs from that period:

"The soldiers had dispersed the resistors in Geliye Zilan (Zilan Valley) and were now moving in a convoy towards Mount Ararat. Everywhere was swarming with soldiers. Cavalry units were going on one side, and infantry followed them. My stepmother Zeyno was Kinyas Kartal's cousin. She was from the Brukan tribe. Some civilians who survived the massacre in the Zilan Valley came to our house in Sinek Plateau in Tuzluca, asking for help. Their situation was desperate. Zeyno was crying and trying to help them at the same time. Salih Pasha had a strict order: those who protected and fed the rebels would be immediately shot. Therefore, everyone stayed away from the rebels and hesitated to help."

Hacı Abdullah Çoktin also recounts:

"The tribes and families who suffered in Geliya Zilan (Zilan Valley) came to the camp. After staying with us for a month or two, they crossed into Iran. Food was a big problem for everyone. Although food aid was provided from the villages in saddlebags, it was not enough."

The series of events documented as the Zilan uprising occurred between June 20 and July 10, 1930. The Zilan Valley crosses the Erciş plain from north to south. It is located 20 km north of Erciş. It has strategic value. The main road to Mount Ararat passes through the Zilan Valley. Soldiers or civilians who want to reach Mount Ararat must use this road. The Haydaranlı, Bekiran, and Ademan tribes organized a resistance in the Zilan Valley to prevent the advance of military units. However, they suffered heavy losses and dispersed due to aerial bombardments and coordinated attacks by soldiers. The road to Mount Ararat was now under the control of the soldiers. This, in a sense, meant the disappearance of the "second circle," which was the basis of Ihsan Nuri Pasha's strategy. The war would now concentrate in the "first circle," that is, on Mount Ararat.

The tribes defeated by the army in the second circle region took refuge on Mount Ararat with civilians. Ihsan Nuri Pasha describes those days as follows:

"After the Zilan Valley tribes came to Ağrı, Mount Ararat was filled with women and children. Therefore, we faced great difficulties in terms of food."

Salih Pasha, having gained superiority in the Zilan Valley, established his headquarters in Bayezid province on July 20 to manage and direct the operation on Mount Ararat more closely. At Salih Pasha's suggestion, the Council of Ministers decided that the final offensive would take place on September 7. There were two reasons for this:

• To wait for the rebel forces, who had retreated to an altitude of 4000 m in the summer, to descend as snow fell.
• To continue diplomatic negotiations with Iran, include Little Ararat in the border, and thus completely encircle Mount Ararat to annihilate the rebels.

Meanwhile, planes continued to bomb the rebels incessantly, trying to break their resistance and morale. Soon after, an agreement was reached with Iran, and Mount Ararat was surrounded from all sides. Difficult days now awaited the rebels. At such a moment, Ihsan Nuri Pasha, his wife Yaşar Hanım, Sheikh Abdülkadir, and their loyal forces left the Mount Ararat region, went to Iran, and surrendered. Bıro Heski Telli refused the surrender offer made to him. He said, "I will fight until I die!" A short time later, the situation of the rebels on Mount Ararat returned to the years when Ihsan Nuri Pasha and Sheikh Abdülkadir were not present (1926-1928). Bıro Heski Telli was once again in a leadership position. He organized the guerrilla forces at his disposal. What truly tied his hands was the presence of civilians.

Zilan Bey, the representative of the Dashnak Party and the only Armenian among the rebels, wanted to cross the Aras and take refuge in Armenia. He was caught by Red Army units, first taken to Yerevan, and then imprisoned in Tbilisi.

REBELLION WITHIN REBELLION

Dear reader! I would especially like to state that I found it difficult to write these lines. This is a state of mind stemming entirely from human emotions. Bıro Heski Telli, who once resisted the occupying Russian forces with Gur Hasso, served his country in the Hamidiye Regiments, and then, while living a modest life on his own after the war, sought refuge on Mount Ararat because he was to be exiled, suddenly found himself in Hoybun's project for an Independent Kurdistan. When the rebellion dispersed, he did not want to move from his place. He was determined to fight until he died. Civilians were hindering his movement and maneuverability. Think about it! When the soldiers attacked, while he and his fighters could move from one position to another with the agility of a panther in minutes, what could he do with the elderly, women, and children next to him? He knew very well that the soldiers had received strict orders: all living things would be destroyed, shot, and bayoneted. Bıro Heski Telli made a crazy decision: "I will kill them before the enemy does! I will not let the enemy touch them." He turned to his relatives with a sword in his hand. He first wanted to kill them. Detachment leaders and influential elders tearfully begged Bıro Heski Telli and made him abandon his decision. (Note: Some sources write that Bıro massacred a few civilians. My research did not find such a narrative.)

HELIKAN AND MALA BOZO TRIBES ON THE IRANIAN SIDE

Since the beginning of the rebellion, the Helikan and Mala Bozo tribes, settled on the Iranian side of Mount Ararat, had been providing logistical support to the rebels. Supplies, ammunition, and weapons were delivered to the rebellion area through these tribes. The wounded were treated in camps established there. Knowing this, Salih Pasha informed the government, ensuring that the Iranian government put pressure on these two tribes. Turkish government officials sent letters to Halit Agha, who had problems with the Iranian government, persuading him to seek asylum in Turkey. The Helikan tribe, unable to withstand the Iranian military attack, collectively sought refuge in Turkey. The Iranian government also gave the leader of Mala Bozo, Musa Agha, the rank of Lieutenant and drew him to their side. Thus, deprived of important logistical support, the rebels could no longer resist and dispersed.

The Helikan tribe, loyal to Halit Agha, sought refuge in Turkey in the autumn of 1930. After spending the winter in the Kağızman Valley, they were transported by ships from Trabzon port to Thrace in the spring. While Halit Agha, the leader of the Helikan tribe, was sent to Thrace, the majority of the tribe settled in the Söke region. Today, there is a significant Helikan population in this area.

FINAL OFFENSIVE

Military units under the command of Salih Pasha launched an offensive against Mount Ararat on September 7. In the early days of the military operation, the military units under Salih Pasha's command were unsuccessful. The reason for this was the rebels' success in defending their positions, as they knew the region well, had the mountain at their back, and had the opportunity to cross into Iran. However, when the Turkish government, by agreement with Iran, encircled the border from the other side, the end of the rebellion became clear. The encircled rebels, after a while, faced the danger of starvation as all supply routes were blocked. The rebels, suffering heavy casualties against the advancing military units, wanted to break through the encirclement and take refuge in Iran.

Hacı Abdullah Çoktin describes the rebels' final moments as follows:

"When the soldiers attacked, we retreated fighting. At night, the fighters and civilians were trapped between Great and Little Mount Ararat. The soldiers had encircled us. The only solution was to break through the circle and escape to Iran. But no one dared. Ibrahim Agha asked for volunteer fighters to come forward to break the circle. No one moved. Ibrahim Agha pulled them by force, and they returned to their places. In the end, a 10-person detachment loyal to Ferzende broke through the circle; fighters and civilians crossed into Iran through the opened corridor. Clashes continued throughout the night. Two of my uncles were martyred. The civilians who crossed the border surrendered to Iranian soldiers. Ibrahim Agha, who continued to fight, was martyred one day by fire opened by the Shikaki tribe militia forces in Iran."

LOGISTICAL SUPPORT OF THE KESKOI TRIBE

The Keskoi tribe is a sub-branch of the Celali tribe's Helikan group. They are a brave and warlike tribe. They reside in Doğubeyazıt, Iran, and a very small number in the village of Arslanlı in Tuzluca. The event mentioned below, of course, does not bind the entire Keskoi tribe.

Salih Pasha held a meeting with the elders of the Keskoi tribe, who knew the region well and were close to him. The majority of the tribe agreed to fight against the rebels alongside the soldiers. They impressed with their skills and courage during the Zilan Valley incidents. As the soldiers prepared for the final offensive on Mount Ararat, Keskoi tribal warriors and trackers also took part in their ranks. Without the support of the Keskoi tribe, the army's rapid advance would have been difficult and would have resulted in more casualties.

NUMBER OF REBELS

We know with great certainty that the number of military units under Salih Pasha's command was around 60,000. In addition, 100 warplanes also took part in the suppression of the rebellion. The main question concerns the number of rebels. Some writers exaggerate the number, speaking of 40-50 thousand fighters. This is certainly not true! The number of rebels should be considered in two different ways: the first and second circles. The number of fighters in the second circle was between 5,000 and 7,000. However, this fighting force was spread over a very wide area. There was a lack of coordination among them. It was not possible for them to act in a planned manner.

Hacı Abdullah Çoktin describes the number of resistors in the first circle, i.e., on Mount Ararat, as follows:

"There were about a thousand fighters in the camp. They generally belonged to the Sakan and Hesesoran tribes. The Sakan tribe, under the leadership of Sheikh Abdülkadir, formed the largest group."

During the hottest days of the rebellion, the number of fighters in Mount Ararat and its surrounding villages did not exceed 1,000. However, as the rebellion entered its last year, the population suddenly increased both due to the call and because civilians who survived the Zilan massacre took refuge on Mount Ararat. They became easy targets for aircraft. With every bomb explosion, morale deteriorated, and they felt that the end of the rebellion was near.

TO BE CONTINUED

IN MY NEXT ARTICLE, I WILL WRITE ABOUT THE LAST DAYS OF THE REBELLION AND THE BRITISH SPY LAWRENCE.