Iğdır and the Mount Ararat Rebellion – Part 1

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Dear reader! Once again, we find ourselves grappling with a difficult subject. The reason I bring to your attention a topic about which very little is known, or which has been forgotten or made to be forgotten, is that the consequences of this rebellion continue to exist to this day, finding a place in political discussions. I will try to keep my writing as concise and to the point as possible.

SHARED PAIN

I particularly want my Azeri brothers and sisters to take an interest in this article. The reason is that Azeris and Kurds, who share the same plain and the same land, need to develop "empathy" for each other's historical pains and difficulties. I state openly that a Kurd who does not grieve over the massacres in Oba, Hakmehmet, and other Azeri villages, or who is unaware of the suffering, and similarly, an Azeri who does not grieve over or is unaware of what happened in the Mount Ararat Rebellion, cannot develop a shared vision together. The only reality that will bind them together like flesh and nail is their shared pains and joys. Especially for the Kurds in Iğdır, understanding the Mount Ararat Rebellion, which largely affected their destiny, and genuinely feeling the suffering experienced there, is an important step towards building the future of Iğdır together for both peoples. The alienation between Azeris and Kurds over the years, and their confrontation at the slightest political maneuver, stems from the fact that they have not collectively embraced their historical past. Azeris grieved for the Hakmehmet and Oba massacres, while Kurds grieved for the Mount Ararat Rebellion and the Zilan Valley. Now, it is necessary to develop a feeling of sharing a common pain and embracing it together.

Probably some of my readers may find it difficult to establish a connection between the "Mount Ararat Rebellion" and Iğdır. However, I would like to remind you that 65% of Mount Ararat, including its summit, is within the provincial borders of Iğdır. Therefore, a rebellion that took place here should be seen more as a part of Iğdır's history.

THE MEMORY OF THE PEOPLE

Many books have been written about the Mount Ararat Rebellion. Of course, I respect the views of every author who has written and contributed to this subject. My aim is neither to refute their theses nor to create a new one. Since this is not an academic paper, I will not go into detail about footnotes and sources. I will mostly convey to you the Mount Ararat Rebellion and the events of that period, drawing from information that resides in the memory of the people and has lost none of its freshness. At this stage, I can almost hear some readers thinking, "A text written relying on the memory of the people cannot be serious!" Based on my experiences, I want to make this warning: Official records, papers, and reports can be destroyed, but the memory of the people never can! I want to give an example. While state archives were completely empty regarding the late Hüsnü Bingöl, the Chief of MAH (National Intelligence Organization), who left his mark on the political history of not only Iğdır but also Eastern Anatolia for about 25 years and undertook the protection of the newly established Republic with an idealistic spirit, Hüsnü Bingöl's existence lived vividly in the memory of the local people. Based on the narratives of the people, we were able to revive Hüsnü Bingöl and ensure he took his place in history.

Like every Kurd born and raised in the Iğdır and Doğubayazıt region, I listened to what was said about the Mount Ararat Rebellion in family and tribal conversations during my childhood, and the names of some leaders spontaneously took root in my memory. When I became involved in the leftist movement in the 1970s, I eagerly read books about the Mount Ararat Rebellion written mostly by Kurdish nationalist or leftist authors of that period. During my time abroad, I kept every document related to Mount Ararat at hand and built a special collection. In those years, an assessment of the Mount Ararat Rebellion, largely from a "nationalist" and "socialist" perspective, had taken shape in my mind.

In 2000, during my interviews and research in both the Iğdır and Doğubayazıt regions for my book titled "Iğdır Sevdası" (Love for Iğdır), a very different reality emerged. I realized that the books I had read were insufficient, and the rebellion was viewed unilaterally with sharp theses in the sense of "emotional nationalism." However, the Mount Ararat Rebellion had a multifaceted and intertwined spiral structure. My aim is to convey this perspective to you and leave the evaluation to your discretion.

THE FIRST BLOOD

In my previous writings, I mentioned the Hamidiye Regiments. The leadership of the Hamidiye Regiments, which enhanced Kazım Karabekir Pasha's military capabilities, sided with the Muslim population in the civil war in the Iğdır region, and fought selflessly (it should be noted that they also caused massacres of Yazidis and Armenians during this process), was arrested and exiled under the "Exile of Agha and Beys" law enacted in 1926. There was only one person who did not comply with this exile order and resisted: Bro Heskî Tellî (hereafter İbrahim Ağa).

Having learned from Deputy Şevket Bey that the Aghas and Beys would be exiled, İbrahim Ağa left his textile shop in Bayezid Province and retreated to Örtülü village. At that very moment, a military unit had already set off towards Çiftlik village to enforce the Exile Law! Today, a clash occurred at the Şıhlar Bridge locality in Doğubayazıt, and a soldier died. The military unit abandoned its plan to go to Çiftlik village. İbrahim Ağa, without wasting any time, took up positions in the rocks above the village with about twenty armed men. He had no intention of being exiled. Moreover, blood had been shed, making it impossible for him to back down. The Mount Ararat Rebellion thus got its first start with such an event. Who knows, if the exile law had not been enacted, perhaps such a rebellion would never have developed!

THE YEARS 1926-1928

When İbrahim Ağa launched his resistance movement, military deserters, Kurds who could not pay their taxes, and other outlaws from around Bayezid Province initially joined him. The leadership cadre of the Sheikh Said Kurdish Rebellion, which erupted in 1925 and was suppressed in the same year, had fled to Syria, Iraq, and Iran. When İbrahim Ağa gained strength, this time the leadership cadre, along with their assistants, went to İbrahim Ağa, and together they formed a defense force on Mount Ararat. Soon after, the children of the exiled leaders or those who escaped from exile also joined İbrahim Ağa. In these years, the rebellion movement had no political essence. Words like "Kurdish Rebellion" or "Kurdistan" were not yet uttered. İbrahim Ağa, just like Zapata in Mexico, rebelled against the injustice done to him and wanted to hold the state accountable for the unfair treatment he received. He made a historic vow:

"For years I fought against the Russians for this homeland. I sacrificed my life and my property. But now the government is exiling us. This is an injustice. And I make this vow: I swear by my religion, by my Quran, that until I die, I will pursue the cause of this injustice."

In short, the following forces were involved in the Mount Ararat Rebellion in its initial phase:

• İbrahim Ağa and warriors from his Hesesori (Birxkî) tribe

• Outlaws and military deserters

• Those who fled abroad after the defeat of the Sheikh Said Rebellion

• Children of Aghas and Beys who were exiled by the Exile Law, or those who escaped from exile

During this period, İbrahim Ağa was the undisputed leader. He met with state officials twice, but he did not believe their promises and continued his resistance. While these events were unfolding in Bayezid Province, far away in Lebanon, the Xoybûn (Hoybun) society was founded on October 5, 1927. (TO BE CONTINUED)