"Traitors" and "Heroes" in the History of Iğdır

Dear reader! This time, I will tire you with another long article. Before reading this, I strongly recommend you read my previous article titled "TO LIVE THE REVOLUTION, OR TO OVERCOME THE REVOLUTION?". In it, I explained, with examples from four world revolutions (American, French, Russian, and Turkish), that there is a fine line between the words "traitor" and "hero" during periods of revolution and social upheaval.

Now, let's turn to 20th-century Iğdır and ask this question: Did the people of Iğdır, or the state, or political parties, or illegal organizations, also fall victim to this cruel rule of history by declaring individuals previously hailed as "heroes" to be "traitors"?

THE LAW OF EXILE AND IĞDIR

First, I would like to present some historical information. As you know, between 1917 and 1920, the Republic of Armenia was established in the region, including Iğdır, and a brutal civil war broke out between ethnic-religious groups. This civil war, with Armenian and Yazidi populations on one side and Kurdish and Azerbaijani (Muslim) populations on the other, continued at full speed, experiencing its most violent days particularly in 1919. The closest power from which the Muslim population could receive help was Beyazıt, an Ottoman province. Armenian komitacıs did not need external help. They held military superiority with the weapons and ammunition left behind by Russian and Cossack soldiers who had left the region on Lenin's orders. They possessed significant organizational and offensive power. Ottoman Armenians (Kaxtaxanlar) who had come and settled in the Iğdır and Yerevan region due to the Armenian deportation (or, according to some historians, genocide) in Ottoman territory in 1914-15 were seeking revenge. They raided Kurdish and Azerbaijani villages settled in the Iğdır plain, causing massacres. They attacked Kucax, a Kurdish village, and slit the throats of its entire population. Similarly, they caused unimaginable massacres in Oba, Hakmehmet, and other Azerbaijani villages. The Azerbaijani population who escaped the massacres either took refuge in Melekli village or set off towards Iranian Azerbaijan. There was no armed force to protect them. The Aras-Turkish Republic, which some historians (!) claimed to possess a large military force, existed only on paper.

The Redkî and Brukî tribes, whose winter pastures were established in Oba, could not withstand the attacks for long either; they abandoned their villages and migrated to Ottoman territory, to Muş and Van. There, they were settled in Armenian villages that had been evacuated during the deportation. In Iğdır's most difficult year (Kaça-Kaç), there were five individuals who protected the Muslim population in Iğdır territory and fought heroically: Şamil Bey in Pernavut (Gaziler), Kerem Bey in Orgof (Suveren) and the mountain villages, Ali Mirze Bey and Ahmed Şemo in Eastern Iğdır, and Hacı Ekber Tufan in Melekli. Şamil Bey, Ali Mirze Bey, Ahmed Şemo, and Kerem Bey suffered fewer losses as they defended themselves in the mountainous region, successfully repelling Armenian attacks. But Melekli village was established in the middle of the plain. With the Azerbaijani population coming from surrounding villages, the number of civilians exceeded 3000. Hacı Ekber Tufan resisted with all his might, but when food and ammunition shortages arose, he appealed to Ali Mirze Bey for help. The military strength of Ahmed Şemo and Ali Mirze Bey was only sufficient to defend themselves. Hacı Ekber Tufan went to Beyazıt province with Ali Mirze Bey's help. From this point on, I would like to quote from the memoirs of the late Hacı Ekber Tufan in the PAMUKOVA newspaper dated November 17, 1954:

"Meanwhile, I went to Şeril with my family, and my relatives Esat, Kurban, Medet, and Celil went to Beyazıt. After a while, they came and brought us to Beyazıt via Iran. In the meantime, the Armenians began to oppress Muslims in Iğdır and its vicinity and prepare for massacres, and they had besieged Melekli, the Turks' most important refuge, from the direction of Ağrı Dağı. At that time, I, along with Tüccar Abbas from Söğütlü Neighborhood, who was a refugee in Beyazıt, went to Division Commander Cavit Bey and explained the situation. After a few days of waiting, they officially informed us that they could not do anything for us, but that it would be beneficial to meet with the tribal leaders. Immediately, we applied to Şevket Bey, who later became the Deputy of Beyazıt. Şevket Bey called Sheikh İbrahim Bey, Abdülvahap Bey, and Zorzade İzzet Efendi, and after a brief consultation, they decided to save Melekli by participating themselves. However, Şevket Bey's action necessitated his resignation from the clerical office, so İbrahim Ağa, known as Bro Hesso Telli, was sent in his place. This tribal force inflicted heavy casualties on the Armenians, rescuing nearly 3000 Turks and bringing them to Erhacı. At that time, the Armenians had also started massacres. Those who escaped the sword and oppression took refuge in Erhacı."

Dear reader! In the statement above, written by Hacı Ekber Tufan himself, I would particularly like to draw your attention to one name: Bro Hesso Telli. This name is written in Kurdish as Biro Heskî Tellî. Its Turkish meaning is: İbrahim, son of Hasan, son of Lady Telli. The word "Bro" is the shortened Kurdish form of "İbrahim". Bro Heski Telli, with the tribal (Kurdish) cavalry unit he took with him, saved the people of Melekli from massacre. Thus, a sixth hero is added to the five heroes I named above: Bro Heski Telli.

Meanwhile, from the correspondence also found in the memoirs of Kazım Karabekir Pasha, we understand that Ali Mirze Bey responded to the letters from Armenian dignitaries saying, "Surrender! We will treat you well," with, "You are massacring the Muslim population. We cannot be with you."

On November 14, 1920, Iğdır became part of the Grand National Assembly's borders. When the Republic was declared, it was included within the Republic's borders as a district of Beyazıt province. Numan Efendi, of Kurdish origin (a member of the Gêloî tribe), the Deputy Governor of Beyazıt, came to Iğdır as a temporary district governor.

Dear reader! Now I will suddenly take you to another topic. To the Sheikh Said Kurdish Rebellion, which broke out in 1925 and was suppressed in the same year. This rebellion was mostly active in Diyarbakır, Elazığ, and nearby provinces. Not a single person from Iğdır or even the Beyazıt region supported or participated in this rebellion.

In 1926, the state issued the "Law of Exile for Aghas and Beys," acting cruelly and largely unjustly. It applied this law to the Aghas and Beys in and around Iğdır and Beyazıt. The names of the Aghas and Beys to be exiled are as follows:

1. Numan (Dündarzade) Efendi from the Gêloî tribe: Iğdır's first temporary district governor

2. Ahmed (Hun) Şemo, leader of the Gêloî tribe

3. Ali Mirze (Yiğit) Bey, leader of the Celali tribe in the Iğdır region

4. İbrahim Bey (son of Ali Mirze Bey) (Iğdır's temporary first mayor; 1921-23)

5. Azerbaijani leader Hacı Ekber Tufan

6. Azerbaijani leader Paşa Ekinci

7. Azerbaijani leader Hüseyin Ali Başkentli

8. General Ali Eşref Bey from the Güneş family

9. Hamit (Güneş) Bey from the Güneş family (Kerem Bey's father)

10. Kerem (Güneş) Bey from the Güneş family

11. Mustafa (Güneş) Bey from the Güneş family

12. Fettah (Güneş) Bey from the Güneş family

13. Ali Mahmut (Alar) Ağa, leader of the Kızılbaşoğlu tribe

There is also a long list of exiles in Beyazıt province. Bıro Heski Telli was also included in this list.

So, what happened to the names on the exile list in Iğdır?

1. Numan Efendi was arrested and exiled to Balıkesir.

2. Ahmed Şemo took his pregnant wife Fatma and his mother with him and hid for six months in Kırrê on the slopes of Mount Ararat. His son Abdülmüslüm was born in Kırrê. Later, he contacted Gendarmerie Commander Nuri Bey, who was close to Numan Efendi. The arrest warrant against him was lifted.

3. Ali Mirze Bey fled to his relatives in Iran.

4. İbrahim Bey fled to his relatives in Iran with his father Ali Mirze Bey.

5. Hacı Ekber Tufan first fled to Soviet Armenia, then to Soviet Azerbaijan, where he got into trouble with the Soviet Secret Organization Cheka, and from there went to Iranian Azerbaijan to Ali Mirze Bey.

6. Paşa Ekinci remained in exile in Istanbul for six months and was sent to Ayvalık for forced settlement.

7. Hüseyin Ali Başkentli remained in exile in Istanbul for six months and was sent to Ayvalık for forced settlement.

8. General Ali Eşref Bey was pardoned due to age limit.

9. Hamit Bey was exiled to Manisa.

10. Kerem Bey was exiled to Aydın.

11. Mustafa Bey was exiled to Bursa.

12. Fettah Bey was exiled to Istanbul.

13. Kızılbaşoğlu leader Ali Mahmut Ağa first fled to Iran, returned prematurely, was arrested, and exiled to Antalya.

In short, the heroes of the civil war in 1919-1920, Ali Mirze Bey, Ahmed Şemo, Kerem Bey, and Hacı Ekber Tufan, were unjustly declared "traitors" and sought to be punished. Those whose names were on the exile list in the Iğdır and Beyazıt region were either exiled or fled. All but one: Bıro Heski Telli. He found the exile decision unjust. He took up his weapon and took refuge on Mount Ararat. Thus, the Mount Ararat Rebellions began. Bıro Heski Telli, once a hero who saved the people of Melekli from massacre, was now resisting the state with a weapon in his hand. He was now a "traitor."

At this stage of my writing, I would like to make an appeal to the people of Melekli. Can nothing be done to honor the name of Bıro Heski Telli, who saved the people of Melekli from a possible massacre?

HÜSNÜ BİNGÖL

Let's close one era and open another. This time, I would like to tell you about Hüsnü Bingöl. Since I will write a more detailed article about him later, I must provide brief and summarized information. Hüsnü Bingöl, who retired from the army with the rank of Major, joined MAH (the name of MIT at that time). He was the chief of the Eastern Anatolia Region. To closely monitor espionage and counter-espionage activities, he settled in Iğdır, which borders three countries. On the one hand, he established the presence of the newly founded Republic, and on the other hand, he thwarted many Soviet initiatives with the immense counter-espionage network he created. He had unfair practices. I will address these in my next article. However, between 1930 and 1950, he was undeniably a "hero." His power was absolute and unquestionable. After National Chief İnönü, almost Hüsnü Bingöl's name was in people's memories. When the Democratic Party won the elections in 1950, it purged National Chief İnönü and his cadres within the state. Hüsnü Bingöl suddenly fell out of favor. He became unable to leave his house. He was now a "traitor." He died in loneliness and pain in 1955. He was buried haphazardly somewhere. His name was forgotten. All records about him were destroyed. It was as if no one named Hüsnü Bingöl had ever lived. When I started writing the book Iğdır Sevdası, I saw that the name Hüsnü Bingöl still lived vividly in the people's memory. I met with his daughters in Istanbul. Thanks to the multifaceted information I gathered, the name Hüsnü Bingöl, forgotten and whose grave was almost one with the earth, covered with debris, regained importance. MIT, showing a sense of loyalty, contacted me to honor the "hero" of yesteryear again. Since I detailed this process in my book "Kurdish-Azerbaijani Iğdır Republic," I will briefly touch upon an important point. MIT learned this name, which it had erased from the organization's memory for years, from my book. A documentary was made based on the interviews they conducted with me, but neither I nor my name or the source book Iğdır Sevdası was mentioned in this documentary. MIT paid its debt of loyalty to Hüsnü Bingöl while ignoring its debt of loyalty to me.

MECİT HUN

Finally, I will bring you to the 1990s. To a name that struggled for 40 years, between 1950 and 1990, not only for Iğdır but also for the development of the Social Democratic movement in the Eastern Anatolia region, and paid heavy prices for it when necessary: Mecit Hun. In the 1950s, he first made a name for himself with his journalism, bringing the problems of the people and the region to his pages, becoming a model for the downtrodden and cynical Kurdish identity. When he became the CHP Iğdır District Chairman in 1957, he actively participated in political life, continuing the struggle for democracy as far as circumstances and conditions allowed. In those years, the name Mecit Hun was equivalent to a "hero" for the Kurdish people. In 1990, the PKK, which gained power in the region, declared Mecit Hun a "Counter-Guerrilla" in its publications and tried to reduce him to a "Traitor." Mecit Hun, whose house was bombed and against whom a multifaceted campaign of nullification was launched, was unable to defend himself. He died in his home in Ankara, in loneliness and with a bitter pain in his heart. The PKK, its allied parties, and its media, who could not put forward any tangible document against Mecit Hun, have never apologized to the HUN family or the name Mecit Hun, even though they knew their actions were unjust. The HUN family certainly does not need such an apology, but the allied parties, claiming to act on behalf of the Kurdish people, have a responsibility to apologize to the spiritual memory of a personality who served the people of Iğdır.