To Live the Revolution, or to Transcend the Revolution...?
This essay explores how societies engage with their revolutionary pasts, contrasting those that remain mired in historical conflicts with those that transcend them to build a new future.
From time to time, I enjoy meeting with my readers on various topics to exchange ideas. Of course, I will return to my writings about Iğdır. In this article, I wanted to draw your attention to a general problem, especially one reflected in newspaper columns or on TV screens, from a different perspective. It seems like it will be a long article, but I hope it will interest you.
Humanity's last 300 years have witnessed significant social and political revolutions. Societies across the world were shaken to their foundations and restructured. Old values were buried in the infinity of history, while new values emerged.
Revolutions were short and violent, but nothing could be destroyed overnight, and nothing could be created overnight. Everything submitted to the ruthless laws of revolution, surrendering its "justification" to the "sublime justice" of history's slow but sure-moving wheels.
Some societies, despite the passage of many years, continue to live through the days and conflicts of the Hot Revolution as if they were still happening, looking at today and tomorrow through the lens of those days. Other societies, however, have turned a new page, saying, "Our Revolution has now become the property of humanity and history! The 'traitors' and 'heroes' of the Revolution are all our spiritual values!" These societies chose the path of creating a new society that is at peace with the values brought forth by the revolution – that is, "Transcending the Revolution" – instead of debating the rightness or wrongness of these values – that is, "Living the Revolution."
When we consider the "Turkish Revolution," which succeeded under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, and question which path Türkiye is currently on ("Living the Revolution" or "Transcending the Revolution"?), we clearly see the following:
Turkish society is still experiencing the conflicts and tensions of the Hot Revolution days, still actively discussing those days, and continues to build its present and future on polemics by reopening those pages again and again.
Published populist books and articles declare the actors of the revolution as "traitors" or "heroes" according to the author's political views, forcing citizens to take sides, and attempting to activate a "Revolution within the Revolution" understanding with ambitious "theses" and new interpretations.
Revolution means a social and political "upheaval." It has its own logic. This truth is best summarized by the famous words of the French revolutionary Danton, who himself was later executed by guillotine: "The Revolution devours its own children!" Yes, the "Logic of Revolution" works differently and, when necessary, devours its own children.
In the days of the Hot Revolution, there is a thin line between "Treason" and "Heroism." The actors of the revolution can become "heroes" or "traitors" overnight, depending on the situation. And these titles can change again in later days and years. This variability is a natural characteristic of the "Logic of Revolution."
For post-revolutionary generations, that is, for us, to retroactively declare certain actors of the revolution as "traitors" or "heroes" by adhering to a specific event or page of revolutionary history, and to absolutize them in this sense, is a betrayal of the "Spirit and Spirituality" of revolutions.
To better understand the "Logic of Revolutions," I want to present a brief anatomy of the three most important revolutions that shook the world in the last 300 years:
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION OF 1776
By the 1770s, the East Coast of North America had been colonized by the British Empire. There was a fierce war between the British, French, and Native Americans for control of this region. The Royal Army from England and the Militia Forces raised from the colonial population to assist it carried out this struggle together.
The future president, George Washington, served as a soldier in these Militia Forces attached to the Royal Army and rose to the rank of general. He was declared a "hero" by the King and the people for his sacrifice and determination in the French and Native American wars.
However, very soon, especially due to debates over "unfair taxation," relations between the colonial people and the empire soured. The colonial people launched a resistance movement against the empire. Some of those who joined this movement favored resolving the issue by remaining within the British Empire. These were called "Loyalists." Another part advocated for the establishment of an independent state. These began to be known as "Patriots."
In 1775, George Washington joined the resistance movement by attending a planning meeting in his general's uniform. The British King and his people immediately declared Washington a "traitor."
Within the ranks of the resistance, there was a fierce struggle between "Loyalists" and "Patriots." Leading figures of the American Revolution such as George Washington, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Paine, James Madison, and Alexander Hamilton did not shy away from making harsh and ruthless criticisms and accusations against each other on various issues.
While George Washington, James Madison, John Adams, and Alexander Hamilton advocated for a city-centered Republican ideology, Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson based their ideology on agriculture centered on large plantations. The sides accused each other of being "Loyalists" and "Traitors."
Revolutions are ruthless towards their own children and heroes. Thomas Paine, considered the intellectual father of the American Revolution, spent his last years in poverty. When he died in 1809, his last wish was to be buried in a church cemetery. However, even this wish was denied. Today, the burial place of Thomas Paine, considered the intellectual father of the American Revolution, is unknown.
The expression "Founding Fathers" refers to "the founders of the American State." Those who signed the Declaration of Independence published on July 4, 1776, and the members of the commission that drafted the Constitution in 1787 are considered "Founding Fathers."
Many of them were declared "loyalists" or "traitors" by their rivals in their own time. Despite this, today the American people accept all these names indiscriminately as their greatest spiritual values and enshrine them in their hearts as sacred values.
Although the 1776 Declaration of Independence and the 1787 American Constitution did not explicitly abolish slavery – it would take approximately 90 more years for this to happen (1863) – African Americans also show due respect to the names of the "Founding Fathers." The Nobel laureate Martin Luther King largely based his famous "I have a dream" speech in 1963 on the values of the 1776 Declaration of Independence.
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789
The French Revolution also brought difficult times to its heroes who created and brought it forth. I would like to introduce you to a few of the "Children of the Revolution" whose names are remembered with great respect today and are considered France's greatest spiritual values.
Mirabeau
Let's start with Mirabeau. In the years before the Revolution, he was known mostly for his writings and his expertise in finance. When King Louis XVI decided to convene the Estates-General in 1789, Mirabeau became interested in politics. He entered the Assembly, composed of nobles, clergy, and representatives of the people, from the "nobility" class.
He quickly became the most prominent figure in the Assembly. In a France divided between the people and the bourgeoisie on one side, and the nobility and the King on the other, he asserted his influence as a man of balance and a leader between the parties. He favored a Constitutional Monarchy similar to that in England.
He opposed the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen," drafted by representatives of the people and the revolutionary bourgeoisie after the fall of the Bastille Prison (July 14, 1789), which is considered the beginning of the French Revolution. He defended the King's right to speak.
Seeing that monarchical hopes were diminishing in the face of the people's demands for the complete abolition of the monarchy, Mirabeau signed a secret cooperation agreement with the Royal family in 1790 and defended the king in all his speeches. Thereupon, the people withdrew their support for him and declared Mirabeau a "traitor."
Although he briefly became president of the assembly in 1791, he became helpless as accusations of treason against him in newspapers increased. He fell ill and died the same year. The people first mourned Mirabeau's death, declaring him a "hero." They buried him with a magnificent ceremony in the Pantheon, where the most important figures of French history lie.
In later years, when Mirabeau's secret agreement with the King came to light, the people again declared him a "traitor" and removed his coffin from the Pantheon.
Lafayette
He was a French nobleman. He befriended Benjamin Franklin and voluntarily participated in the American War of Independence. He fought alongside the Americans against the British. He was hailed as a "hero." In 1783, he returned to France. As a leader of liberal nobles, he ardently advocated for religious tolerance and the abolition of the slave trade.
In the early years of the French Revolution, he sided with the revolutionary bourgeoisie. He quickly became one of the most powerful figures in France. On July 11, 1789, he presented the draft Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen to the Assembly. One day after the Bastille incident, he was appointed commander of the newly formed national guard in Paris. Lafayette rescued King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette from the hands of the invaders.
Due to this action, Lafayette was accused of betraying the revolution by the people and declared a "traitor." However, very soon, Lafayette's fame and influence reached their peak. He defended constitutional monarchy against the Republicans. He lost his prestige again and resigned from his post when he ordered fire on the crowd demonstrating for the King's abdication.
When Lafayette was accused of treason in 1792, he sought refuge in Austria, France's greatest enemy in those years. In 1799, with Napoleon's rise to power, he returned to France and was elected a deputy. Lafayette fell out of favor again because he asked Napoleon to abdicate.
In 1824, he went to the United States. There, he was welcomed as a "hero." In 1830, he returned to France and this time commanded the national guards who dethroned King Charles X.
Danton
Danton, who became the head of the Committee of Public Safety established at the beginning of the Revolution, was a member of the Jacobin Club. He voted yes for the execution of the King. Danton later left the Jacobin Club, which included Robespierre. During the Reign of Terror, he became an opponent of the administration, saying, "This much terror is too much!" Robespierre declared Danton and his friends "traitors" and imprisoned them.
Danton, using his oratorical skills, defended himself very well against the prosecutor in the public trial. His fame quickly grew among the people, and he began to be referred to as a "hero." Robespierre, in a difficult situation, continued the trial behind closed doors. The court declared Danton a "traitor" and sent him to the guillotine.
Robespierre
Robespierre, one of the most important figures of the French Revolution, was a successful lawyer. He became a member of the ultra-left Jacobin Club and sided with the people of Paris against the bourgeoisie. In all his speeches, he advocated for democracy and took a stance in favor of universal suffrage.
He established himself in the eyes of the people as an extremely honest person and was referred to as "the Incorruptible," meaning "unbribable, unbuyable." After the proclamation of the Republic, to close off any paths for return, he had his rivals Marat, Danton, and the King executed.
Robespierre unleashed terror to establish the Republic. In 1794, he himself was declared a "traitor" and sent to the guillotine without even a trial. To make his suffering more intense, he was laid on the scaffold in such a way that he would see the blade of the guillotine.
Napoleon
Napoleon, one of the most important figures in European history, was born in Corsica. He joined the army as an artillery officer. When the Revolution began, he was a hesitant young man stationed in Corsica, his thoughts fluctuating between "Royalism," "Republicanism," and "Corsican Nationalism."
His father was a staunch Corsican nationalist. Due to a reckoning that began among Corsican nationalists, his family was forced to settle in France in 1793. Napoleon, who supported the Jacobins, drafted a manifesto praising the Republic that same year. Thus, he befriended Robespierre's brother.
He was given the task of capturing the city of Toulon, which had rebelled against the Republic and was supported by British soldiers. Napoleon captured the city in a short time with superior tactics and an attack plan. Due to this success, he was respected among the people as the "Hero of Toulon." When Robespierre was executed in 1794, Napoleon fell out of favor and was imprisoned.
In 1795, when the Royalists launched an attack against the Assembly Building, Napoleon, whose previous military successes were remembered, was given the task of protecting the Assembly building. Napoleon, who prevented the attack, once again came to the forefront as a "hero and savior." In 1796, he became the commander-in-chief of the army in Italy.
In 1799, he seized power through a military coup. He gained the support of the people through reforms and legislative work. The most important of these are:
- Establishment of the Central Bank
- Opening of public schools and turning education into a public service
- Preparation of the Civil Code, known as "Code Napoleon," and its acceptance of the Constitution as a rule-maker
- Use of the metric system
- First implementation of the secular state concept in history
When asked what his greatest achievement was, Napoleon replied: "My true glory is not to have won 40 battles. For Waterloo's defeat will wipe out the memory of all these victories. But my Civil Code will live forever."
In 1814, Napoleon, who lost the war and fell out of favor, was exiled to the island of Elba. In 1815, he escaped from the island and returned to Paris as a "hero." However, after being defeated at Waterloo, he again fell out of favor and was exiled to the island of St. Helena. He died there in 1821. He was forgotten for many years. His body was brought to Paris in 1840 and reburied as a "hero."
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1917
Just as the French Revolution emerged in the years following the American Revolution, the Turkish Revolution emerged in the years following the Russian Revolution. Therefore, the interaction between the Russian and Turkish Revolutions was quite high.
The Russian Revolution, like other revolutions, saw its own children as both "traitors" and "heroes."
Kerensky
Let's start with Kerensky. During his student and lawyer years, he participated in anti-Tsarist movements. In 1912, he became the leader of the Socialist Party, which opposed the Tsar in the Duma, where he was elected a deputy. In the February Revolution of 1917, he first became Minister of Justice and then Prime Minister. He was hailed as a "hero" who prevented civil war.
Kerensky did not see the Bolsheviks as a threat and condoned the distribution of weapons to workers. The Bolsheviks used these weapons to carry out the October Revolution and removed Kerensky from power. Kerensky lived in Paris and New York in later years. He remained neutral between the Bolsheviks and the Tsarists but was accused of "betraying the cause" by both sides.
Lenin-Trotsky-Stalin
In 1887, when Lenin was 17, his elder brother Alexander was executed on charges of a bomb assassination attempt against the Tsar. Lenin set out with the understanding, "We will follow another path." He emphasized organization and ideological structuring. In 1902, he became the leader of the Bolshevik Party. When the 1905 Revolution failed, he fled abroad. He lived in France and Switzerland until 1917.
When the February Revolution of 1917 began, Lenin entered Russia via Germany in a secret train compartment. Kerensky accused Lenin of being a "German Agent." Trotsky's famous speech saved Lenin from this difficult situation.
At the head of the Bolsheviks, he carried out the October Revolution of 1917, seizing all power. He withdrew Russia from the war. He signed peace with the Germans. However, civil war soon broke out in the country. Lenin condoned the execution of the Tsar and his family to reduce the possibility of the Revolution turning back.
Lenin faced several assassination attempts. The secret police Cheka was established, and the days of Red Terror began in Russia. All bureaucrats and supporters of the Tsarist regime were executed. A fierce civil war began between the White Army and the Red Army. When the White Army gained strength, Trotsky came to the rescue. He took command of the Red Army and completely defeated the Whites in 1920. The people welcomed Trotsky as a "hero."
In his will, Lenin drew attention to Stalin's rise and consolidation of power and recommended his removal. Trotsky, this time, rushed to Stalin's aid. He convinced his comrades that it was unnecessary to follow this recommendation.
When Lenin died in 1924 at the age of 53, power passed into the hands of the "triumvirate" consisting of Stalin, Kamenev, and Zinoviev. Difficult days were just beginning in Russia. Churchill wrote about those days: "The greatest first misfortune of the Russians was Lenin's birth, their second greatest misfortune was Lenin's early death."
Stalin soon turned against his two friends, Kamenev and Zinoviev, who had always supported him. At the party congress in 1925, he accused these two of asking him for help to destroy Trotsky. He collaborated with Bukharin. Thereupon, Kamenev, Zinoviev, and Trotsky united against Stalin. In 1927, Stalin accused all three of "betraying the revolution" and expelled them from the party.
In 1928, this time Stalin turned against his two closest friends, Bukharin and Rykov. Bukharin was expelled from the party in 1929. Stalin declared Trotsky a "traitor," sent him into exile in 1928, and had him assassinated in Mexico, where he had sought refuge, in 1940. By the 1930s, his only remaining rival was Kirov, whose fame was steadily rising.
In the 1930s, Stalin organized the Great Terror, eliminating his enemies one by one. The first he eliminated was his only rival, Kirov. Stalin blamed his rivals for Kirov's murder. He also had his two potential rivals, Kamenev and Zinoviev, executed.
When Russia emerged victorious from World War II, Stalin became a national "hero." After Stalin's death in 1953, Khrushchev, who seized power, accused him of "crimes against humanity and betraying the revolution."
THE TURKISH REVOLUTION
The Turkish Revolution also went through the same painful paths. The greatest name of the Revolution, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, gained fame among the people as the "Hero of Çanakkale" due to his success, especially in the 1915 Gallipoli Campaign. However, when he went to Anatolia in 1919 and started the National Struggle, he was declared a "traitor to the homeland" by Istanbul. In later years, he was even accused by his rivals of being an "English agent."
When we look at other names of the Turkish Revolution, we see that the rule has not changed:
Rauf Orbay
What Mirabeau was to the French Revolution, what Kerensky was to the Russian Revolution, Rauf Orbay is to the Turkish Revolution. He tried to be a balancing figure between the Palace and the National Struggle.
Colonel Rauf Orbay gained fame as the "Hero of Hamidiye" due to his outstanding success during the 1912 Balkan Wars. As the Minister of Marine, he signed the "Armistice of Mudros" with the Allied Powers on behalf of the Ottoman State. For this reason, he was referred to as a "traitor" by a large segment of society.
Later, Orbay, who went to Anatolia and participated in the National Struggle, was welcomed as a "hero." However, very soon, he became the leader of the opposition group against Atatürk and founded the Progressive Republican Party in 1924. He was tried in the İzmir Assassination Plot case planned against Atatürk and declared a "traitor." Since he was abroad, he was sentenced to 10 years in absentia.
Thanks to the interest shown by İsmet İnönü, he re-entered politics after Atatürk's death and continued his political life by being elected a deputy. He passed away as the "architect" of Türkiye's acceptance into NATO and the "hero" of the Marshall Plan, thanks to his preliminary work.
Kazım Karabekir
When Mustafa Kemal Atatürk landed in Samsun to start the National Struggle, Kazım Karabekir was the commander of the 2nd Army Corps. Atatürk, who was in Erzurum for the opening of the Erzurum Congress, learned from a telegram from Istanbul that he had been dismissed from the 3rd Army Inspectorate, and he became concerned that he would not be able to continue the War of Independence as a civilian.
At that moment, Kazım Karabekir, who entered his room, gave Atatürk morale by saying, "My corps and I are at your command, Pasha!" This open and courageous support from Kazım Karabekir accelerated Atatürk's National Struggle plan.
Kazım Karabekir showed outstanding success on the Eastern Front. He recaptured Sarıkamış, Kars, and Ardahan. He gained a respected name among the people as the "Conqueror of the East."
In 1924, he resigned from the army and entered politics. He was among the founders of the Progressive Republican Party (TCF) and later became its general chairman. However, the Progressive Republican Party was closed in 1925, allegedly for its role in the Sheikh Said Rebellion. He was tried in the İzmir Assassination Plot case against Atatürk but was acquitted at the last moment.
After falling out of favor, he withdrew into seclusion for 10 years. He was kept under strict surveillance. After Atatürk's death, he returned to political life in 1939 by being elected a deputy. In 1946, he was elected Speaker of the Grand National Assembly. When he died, he was again a "hero."
Çerkez Ethem
Between 1919 and 1920, Çerkez Ethem established the Kuvva-yı Seyyare, the only organized and striking force in Western Anatolia. He heroically resisted the British and Greek occupation forces advancing into Anatolia. He suppressed the reactionary rebellions launched against the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM).
In those years, if it weren't for Çerkez Ethem's support, the TBMM, which had no military power, might not have been able to continue its work. Thus, Çerkez Ethem earned a respected place in everyone's heart as a "hero." He was welcomed in Ankara like a "hero."
However, very soon, with the establishment of the regular army, he was asked to disband the Kuvva-yı Seyyare. When he refused, his relationship with Mustafa Kemal soured. When İnönü, the Commander of the Western Front, tried to encircle Çerkez Ethem's units and forcibly disband them, Çerkez Ethem sent a telegram full of harsh words to the TBMM.
The TBMM declared Çerkez Ethem a "traitor to the homeland." Çerkez Ethem, along with his loyal men, went to Jordan via Greece. He passed away there.
İsmet İnönü
When the Grand National Assembly opened in 1920, Colonel İnönü was appointed Chief of General Staff. Thereupon, the Divan-ı Harp in Istanbul declared İnönü a "traitor" and condemned him to death. İnönü was appointed commander of the Western Front the same year and suppressed the Çerkez Ethem rebellion.
His prestige increased due to the victories of the First and Second İnönü battles, and he gained fame as the "Hero of Lausanne" due to his superior diplomatic skills shown at Lausanne. He became the first Prime Minister of the Republican era but resigned, unable to resist his rivals. When the Sheikh Said Rebellion began, he became Prime Minister again. His prestige increased again after suppressing the rebellion.
He served as Prime Minister continuously until 1937. When his relationship with Atatürk soured, he was dismissed from his post. He lived for two years having lost his prestige. In 1939, he became the Second President. When he lost the 1950 elections, he withdrew into opposition. For 10 years, he was accused by his rivals of "betraying" Atatürk's Revolutions and Atatürk's legacy.
İnönü continued as the General Chairman of the CHP until 1972. He was defeated by Ecevit in the Congress. He retired heartbroken. He passed away in 1973.
Celal Bayar
In 1908, he joined the Committee of Union and Progress. On January 12, 1920, he participated as a deputy in the last Ottoman Assembly of Deputies. Later, he went to Anatolia and participated in the National Struggle under the pseudonym "Galip Hoca." He served as a deputy in the First Grand National Assembly. Between 1937 and 1939, he became Prime Minister at Atatürk's request.
In 1946, he founded the Democrat Party with his friends and became its chairman. In 1950, he was elected the third President of Türkiye. He left this post with the May 27, 1960 coup.
He was sentenced to death by the Yassıada Court for the crime of "treason against the homeland." Due to his age, the death penalty was commuted to life imprisonment.
Celal Bayar passed away in 1986 at the age of 103. This, in a sense, was the departure of the "last child" of the Turkish Revolution.
CONCLUSION:
THREE WORLD REVOLUTIONS AND THE VALUES THAT FOUNDED OUR REPUBLIC
As clearly demonstrated by the three major world revolutions, the processes of Hot Revolutions share a common characteristic: conflicts, upheavals, determinations, cowardice, sacrifices, betrayals, new balances, destructions, creations, and finally, emerging new values and new balances... In a sense, they all complement each other, and in a sense, they all destroy each other...
If societies looking back at their revolutions see a "pyramid" structure, meaning at the very top the "most heroic" (or a few heroes), below them less "heroic" figures, and finally at the bottom "cowards" and "traitors," then those societies are "LIVING THE REVOLUTION."
They have "internalized" the reckonings and tensions of the Hot Revolution days, meaning they have "taken sides"; they see their present and future as a continuation and a reckoning of these "conflicts." Societies that stubbornly continue the "conflicts" and "reckonings" of the Hot Revolution also lose their dynamism, their ability to foresee and create the future, by turning inward.
If societies looking back at their revolutions see a "circular" structure, meaning the "heroes" and "traitors" of the revolution complement each other and present themselves as a whole, then those societies are "TRANSCENDING THE REVOLUTION." Societies that transcend their revolution can build a new and successful future on the values created by the revolution, raise healthier generations, and stand on firmer ground.
Türkiye "MUST TRANSCEND THE REVOLUTION." Those who participated in the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses, those invited to the First Assembly of Deputies, and others should be seen as spiritual values as a whole, and an understanding that avoids the "hero" and "traitor" polemics that occurred among them should be adopted. History should be left to historians, not politicians.
"TRANSCENDING THE REVOLUTION" does not mean "forgetting and making others forget the revolution." Today, America and France respect all the values brought forth by their revolutions and successfully continue the achievements of the revolution under new conditions and with new interpretations. This self-confidence has reached such a point that even the names of Queen Marie Antoinette of France or the Russian Tsar are remembered with respect and seen as part of the revolution.
With its history approaching 100 years, the Turkish Revolution has taken root in the heart and mind of the Turkish nation like a plane tree. It has inspired many countries and established itself as a model. The main values of the Revolution cannot be changed, even if desired. However, if Türkiye stubbornly continues to "LIVE THE REVOLUTION" and turns inward with the fear that "the principles of the revolution" are in danger, losing time with polemics, then new forces with "new principles" may emerge and harm the legacy of the Turkish Revolution.
We need to accept all the "heroes," "traitors," "rebels," and "assassins" of Turkish Revolutionary history as common values and move forward with confidence into the future with a "circular" spiritual power.
The question Türkiye needs to ask is: "TO LIVE THE REVOLUTION or TO TRANSCEND THE REVOLUTION?"
And how to "TRANSCEND"?