A Few Words on the Art of Scientific (!) Nonsense

IMPORTANT EXPLANATION: Dear readers! Before reading the following article, I would like to share my feelings and thoughts, or at least my personal worldview, on an important matter. Every newspaper columnist is, in a sense, obliged to convey their own truths and observations. This inevitably and frequently leads to intense debates and literary skirmishes, which we call "polemics." As a reader, I advise you not to be disturbed by this situation. Our beautiful Iğdır must understand that the emergence of suppressed truths necessitates these polemics. Furthermore, the formation of a strong and sensitive public opinion and the establishment of a civil society organization culture make such discussions inevitable.

When we write the names of individuals or claimants, it is not to target or insult them, but due to the necessity of providing "sources," which is fundamental to the art of polemics. I am respectful of all writers, and especially my fellow townspeople, on a humanitarian basis. I have no personal, familial, sectarian, or tribal problems with anyone. However, I want you to know that I use all my sensitivity to avoid confusing the struggle of ideas with personal insult, and in a sense, I want you to think: "If there is constructive polemic, there is also blessing and development." I believe it is useful to remind you that our Iğdır needs this to find a new and honorable path for itself.

SECTION I

While continuing my columns in Yeşil Iğdır newspaper on the recent history of Iğdır, especially the Civil War years (1918-1920), the Grand National Assembly Period (1920-1923), and the Republican Period, a reader made a suggestion on my Facebook page: "Mr. Mücahit, let's leave these topics to scientists and historians!"

At first glance, this suggestion, which seemed quite acceptable and innocent, unfortunately had no resonance in the reality of Iğdır, as I had witnessed many times in the past. We now know, beyond doubt, that Iğdır has wasted a whole century, and continues to waste it, due to the systematic distortions adorned with racism by so-called scientists.

I want to call upon all my fellow Iğdır residents: Let's uphold the truth! We must cast aside the lies of the past and unite under a single goal: This goal is universal democracy, our sacred flag, and our homeland.

Neither the Azerbaijanis nor the Kurds of Iğdır should live in this country with feelings of "diaspora" or "alienation." This country is our common homeland, our common love. We can reduce the bitterness and anger caused by issues such as ethnic identity and sectarian discrimination in our minds and hearts by activating the universal blessings of democracy, and we can solve all kinds of problems.

Dear readers! I would like to share a historical reality with you, however briefly:

THE BIRTH OF NATION-STATES

At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, three peoples in the Caucasus region—Armenians, Kurds, and Azerbaijanis—began to move towards establishing their own nation-states. This was their natural right because such a tendency and political movement had been spreading in waves throughout the world since the French Revolution of 1789. By the 1920s, the situation was as follows: Neither the Kurds living in different countries (four parts) could unite to form "Greater Kurdistan," nor could the Armenians unite Eastern and Western Armenia to form "Greater Armenia," nor could the Azerbaijanis unite Northern and Southern Azerbaijan to form "Greater Azerbaijan." In addition to these, sacred ideals and political goals such as Oğuzistan and Turan, put forward by thinkers like Ziya Gökalp, were discussed in certain circles but had no practical realization.

At the stage we have reached today, the idea of Greater Kurdistan, Greater Armenia, Greater Azerbaijan, Oğuzistan, or Turan is no longer possible to realize and implement. Every people must pursue their identity struggle within the borders of the nation-state they inhabit, benefiting from the blessings of universal democracy, and must fight against sectarian discrimination.

This situation may seem difficult, even impossible, at first glance, but "law and democracy" are such powerful and magical concepts that by embracing these values, sectarian and ethnic identity demands can find unique and honorable solutions without a single bullet being fired or a single life being lost. The primary condition for this magical power to be effective and come into play is to respect the existence of the nation-state concept in which one lives and to embrace its two indispensable mottos. These two values are the Common Homeland and the Sacred Flag. Our common homeland is Turkey, and our common flag is the flag of the Republic of Turkey.

Kurds and Azerbaijanis living in Turkey can carry the colors of the Kurdistan and Azerbaijan flags in their hearts as a longing, attribute emotional and historical significance to these colors, and maintain their emotional ties. They can write books and poems about the longed-for Kurdistan and Azerbaijan. This is understandable and should be respected.

The search for national identity among Kurds and Azerbaijanis emerged more than a century ago. It followed an undulating path. At this point, the love for Kurdistan and Azerbaijan can continue to live in hearts, but we must embrace the concepts of the Sacred Flag and Common Homeland, which represent the nation-state of the Republic of Turkey, and be proud of it. These two values are our cement, our only unifying value. The inevitable end awaiting countries whose citizens are alienated from the common flag and common homeland is to become prey to great powers and to suffer a cruel, endless civil war. Paving the way for this is a betrayal not only to our country but to humanity.

The ideal of the nation-state, as in Europe, emerged as a strong desire among the nations and peoples living in the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Tsardom, and the Persian Empire, especially in the late 19th century, and captured the hearts of Kurds, Azerbaijanis, and Armenians. In those years, extreme nationalist sentiments and nation-state aspirations among Kurds, Azerbaijanis, and Armenians were a normal and understandable phenomenon. However, this desire has remained until today as their secret and nostalgic loves, experienced in historical processes but now irreversible. Reviving it is both impossible and unnecessary.

It is also not right for the Republic of Turkey, which is a nation-state today, to ignore or deem dangerous the ethnic identity demands and sectarian preferences that Azerbaijanis and Kurds carry in their hearts. We can make an analogy: You can very well marry someone else and start a new life while carrying your youthful love in your heart. Kurds, Armenians, and Azerbaijanis can carry their youthful loves (nation-state projects) in their hearts, but real life has presented them with another nation-state structure founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Instead of destroying this structure, solving all kinds of problems within this structure through a struggle for democracy stands before us as the most logical path to follow.

A Kurd can carry the love for Barzani, the dream of Greater Kurdistan, and even the colors of the Kurdish flag in their heart as a longing. An Azerbaijani can carry the love for Heydar Aliyev, the dream of Greater Azerbaijan, and even the colors of the Azerbaijani flag in their heart as a longing. We should not see these as problems. All these should be seen as projections of the past and nostalgic extensions of the nation-state ideal that could not be realized in its time, continuing to this day. If we see these not as a threat but as a richness, we will feel stronger, and our state will rise on stronger foundations.

Our duty is to expand democracy, unite under a higher vision (goal), redefine the boundaries of ethnic and sectarian freedom, and ultimately make Turkey a center of attraction for the world's Kurds and Azerbaijanis.

Every Kurd and every Azerbaijani can feel the pain of Kurds and Azerbaijanis living in other countries, and empathize, but must remain respectful of the existence of the nation-state in which they live. The Halabja massacre is the pain not only of Kurds but of all humanity. Similarly, the Khojaly massacre is the pain not only of Azerbaijanis but of all humanity.

THE DISTORTION CREATED IN IĞDIR'S RECENT HISTORY

Unfortunately, the "Prof./Assoc. Prof./Assist. Prof./Dr./Lecturer" titles, increasingly bestowed by Turkish universities as if distributing Turkish delight and pastries, seem determined to persistently attribute a different meaning to Iğdır's historical, sociological, and political past and to harm Iğdır. The power of lies and truth cannot be measured on the same scale because lies have no rules or morality. You can invent as many lies as you want, pile them up to form a mountain, but "truth," when its time comes, erupts like a volcano, shattering the mountain built of lies.

I had already brought to your attention the claims of these so-called scientists, whose names and titles are known to my readers, claims built on lies, emotional exploitation, and deliberate, insidious racism. I would like to briefly remind you of a few of them:

• The lie of the Boraltan Bridge;

• The lie that there were 272 or a similar number (you have the right to invent as you wish, after all) of families with Independence Medals in Iğdır;

• The lie that Armenians massacred eighty thousand Azerbaijanis in Iğdır and its villages between 1915-1920;

• The fabrication of "Martyr Mehmet Çavuş" and emotional exploitation (The General Staff ATASE Archive Department has documented that there was no one named Mehmet Çavuş. I included this document in my previous article.)

This time, one of our so-called scientists has embraced another lie, aiming to kill two birds with one stone by diverting attention: On the one hand, he is trying to cover up his previous lie, and on the other hand, he is implementing a policy of "othering" the Kurds.

A so-called scientist, who introduces himself as a Lecturer, asks a question and answers it himself:

"Did the Turkish army liberate our Iğdır from the Armenians without firing a single shot? Of course not! There were GANGS that contributed to the National Struggle, but victory was achieved by regular army units."

Before going into a detailed explanation, I would like to introduce some of these GANG (!) leaders mentioned by our so-called scientist to my people:

IN THE IĞDIR REGION:

• Hacı Ali Ekber Tufan (Azerbaijani)

• Şamil Bey (Ayrım) (Azerbaijani)

• Şefi Bey (Öcal) (Azerbaijani)

• Ali Mirze Bey (Yiğit) (Kurdish)

• Ahmed Şemo (Hun) (Kurdish)

• Hacı Tahir Ağa (Muço) (Kurdish)

• Kerem Bey (Güneş) (Kurdish)

• Fettah Bey (Güneş) (Kurdish)

• Hamit Bey (Güneş) (Kurdish)

• Emere Besê (Ömer Bülbül) (Kurdish)

• Yusuf Ağa (Çekim) (Kurdish)

IN THE BAYAZIT PROVINCE (Present-day Doğubayazıt)

• Ahmet Ağa oğlu İsa Bey (Konyar) Hamidiye Regiment (Kurdish)

• Abdülmecit Bey (Öztürk) Hamidiye Regiment (Kurdish)

• Sheikh Abdülkadir (Kotan) Hamidiye Regiment

• Halis Bey (Öztürk) Hamidiye Regiment (Kurdish)

• Sheikh İbrahim Bey (father of Mehmet Beyazıt) Hamidiye Regiment (Kurdish)

• İbrahim Ağa (Çoktin) / Bıro Heskî Tellî Hamidiye Regiment (Kurdish) (The hero who rescued 3000 Azerbaijanis from imminent massacre when they were besieged by DRO in Melekli village)

Our state, for some reason, honored Şamil Bey, Kerem Bey, and Hacı Ali Ekber Tufan, among the GANG (!) leaders mentioned above, by building MONUMENTAL TOMBS for them. If we take the esteemed author's definition of "GANG" seriously, we would have to demolish these tombs.

Again, for some reason, Kazım Karabekir Pasha considered a letter signed by four of the GANG (!) leaders mentioned above important and included it in his book "İstiklal Harbimiz" (Our War of Independence). I would like to present this letter once again to the attention of our so-called scientist.

It has become necessary to provide a brief explanation to my reader. When the Republic of Armenia was established in 1918, Armenian statesmen and notables sent letters to Kurdish notables living in the region, asking for their support for the Republic of Armenia. Baron Haçador Ağa, of Armenian origin, also sent a letter to Kurdish leaders. The Kurdish notables whose signatures appear below responded to Baron Haçador Ağa with the following letter:

"Baron Haçador Ağa,

I received your letter. Even when Armenians were living a very happy life in the bosom of Islam, they did not refrain from committing all kinds of evil, hidden and open, for their original intentions, and in this war, they fled the front lines armed and joined the Russian armies. You cannot deny this. Therefore, there is no longer any possibility of reconciliation between the Islamic-Kurdish nation and the Armenians, whose betrayals are complete and whose intentions are clearly understood. And for five years (1914-1919), the Kurdish nation cannot unite with the Armenians, who, whenever they found an opportunity to destroy Islam, massacred the Muslim population with axes and bayonets in a manner contrary to the principle of humanity, and considered it permissible to assault Ottoman women. The Kurdish nation, which is ten times superior to the Armenians, cannot and will not come under Armenian protection. Yes; we are also not in favor of bloodshed. But we will prevent your determination and actions to organize the Muslim population, which is your main hope, with all our might. Armenians cannot gain a majority by massacring the Muslim population so savagely. Nor can you govern in this way. Our peaceful coexistence with you depends on the following conditions:

1. Until peace is established, Armenians must cross to the other side of the Aras River.

2. They must evacuate the Iğdır region and leave it to the Kurdish nation.

3. Until the conclusion of peace, no Armenian will cross the river. Local Armenians who wish to remain in this region will obey our organization and command.

4. Armenians will absolutely not be authorized to carry weapons among us. And Armenian soldiers will not be sent to this region until the conclusion of peace.

5. The rights, lives, and property of our Muslim brothers remaining on the other side of the Aras River, that is, among the Armenians, will be preserved.

6. If these conditions are accepted and implemented, the parties will not attack or aggress and will await peace.

So, Haçador Ağa! Our point of view and our conditions consist of six articles. If accepted, the fire of war will be extinguished; otherwise, it will spread, and the Islamic nation will resort to means of escaping your yoke of slavery and will pray to God for help. On this occasion, I shake your hands in return, esteemed Hoçador Ağa. September 4, 1335 (1919)

From the Tribal Chiefs

Also: Hamit Bey

Also: Ali Merze Bey

Also: Ahmet Haso Ağa

Also: Yusuf Ağa

(Source: Kâzım Karabekir Pasha, İstiklâl Harbimiz, volume one, page 378)

GANG (!) LEADERS

Now I want to introduce to my readers the GANG (!) leaders whose signatures are under the letter:

Hamit (Güneş) Bey: Father of the brothers Fettah, Kerem, Abdurrezak, and Naci Bey.

Ahmet Haso (Konyar) Ağa: Father of the late İsa Konyar from the Doğubayazıt region and grandfather of the late Hüsrev (Xosrov) Bey.

Yusuf (Çekim) Ağa: Leader of the Mala Resê Çelê tribe and brother of Gur Hesso.

Ali Mirze (Yiğit) Bey: Leader of the Celali tribe under Russian rule. Ahmed Şemo, Emere Bese (Ömer Bülbül), and Hacı Tahar waged the civil war under the leadership of Ali Mirze Bey.

As this letter also shows, Ali Mirze Bey and his friends, as stated in Article 5, held themselves responsible for the safety of the Azerbaijanis and Kurds on the other side of the Aras River.

Ali Mirze Bey's main contribution to the National Struggle begins thereafter. Considering today's Iğdır province, Taşburun village was then the most organized place for Armenian committees (Taşburun had a considerable population in those years). After the Kaxtaxans (Ottoman Armenians) from the Ottoman Empire settled in Taşburun, it became a base for attacks against surrounding villages and towns. The Celâli tribe predominantly resided in the surrounding villages of Taşburun. This meant that Ali Mirze Bey had to wage the most organized and determined struggle against the Armenian committees. Indeed, this is what happened; the Celâli militia forces led by Ali Mirze Bey launched attacks on Taşburun, suffered martyrs, and repelled counter-attacks with the same success. While these wars were taking place, not a single Ottoman or Grand National Assembly army soldier was in Iğdır.

The GANG (!) leaders whose signatures are under the letter did not abandon their positions even when the Azerbaijani population in Iğdır and surrounding villages retreated to Iran due to Armenian attacks, and they continued their struggle relentlessly until the end.

IĞDIR WAS TAKEN EMPTY

Above, I introduced you to the GANG (!) LEADERS. Let's continue!

We can also look at the esteemed author's claim from another perspective: "Iğdır was not empty. It was captured by the regular army under Kazım Karabekir Pasha in a fierce, hand-to-hand battle amidst hot clashes."

If Iğdır was not empty, it implies that there were people in Iğdır when the general offensive began. The four ancient peoples of Iğdır, namely Armenians, Yazidis, Kurds, and Azerbaijanis, had already been living together for many years. We know very well that between 1917-1920, there were no great powers in the Iğdır plain (Tuzluca, Karakoyunlu, Aralık), such as the Russian Army, the Ottoman Army, the Iranian Army, or the victorious countries of the First World War (England, France, etc.). The Iğdır plain was not the scene of a war between great powers. The British occupied Kars but did not come to Iğdır.

These four ancient peoples of Iğdır, who had lived under Russian rule since 1829, plunged into civil war with each other with the declaration of the Republic of Armenia in 1918. The Armenians were lucky for two reasons:

Firstly, the Russians, who withdrew in 1917 with the Russian Revolution, left their weapons to the militia forces of Andranik Ozanyan and Drastamat Kanayan, who were fighting against the Ottomans alongside them.

Secondly, due to the Armenian Deportation in the Ottoman Empire in 1915, Armenian warrior forces, especially those who had taken refuge in Syria, Iran, and Lebanon, came to Iğdır territory with the declaration of the Independent Republic of Armenia in 1918 and integrated with the local Armenians there, forming military units with high firepower. They exerted pressure on the Muslim population (Azerbaijanis and Kurds), raided villages, and demanded the surrender of weapons and the recognition of the state they had declared. In the initial stage, the Azerbaijani population was either massacred, took refuge in Melekli, or retreated to safe areas in Iranian Azerbaijan. When Melekli village also took refuge in Iranian Azerbaijan in August 1919, there was no Muslim population left in the plain.

A similar situation applied to the Kurds. The tribes established in the plain migrated to Van and Muş, and Kurdish and Azerbaijani militia forces whose villages were at the foot of Mount Ararat or in other mountainous regions formed militia forces against Armenian attacks and launched a resistance movement.

Thus, civil war began in Iğdır. It lasted two years. The Yazidi Kurds, caught between the Muslim-Christian divide, acted with the Armenians when they faced oppression and persecution from the Muslim Kurds. In August 1919, the situation was as follows: There was no Muslim (Kurdish and Azerbaijani) population in the plain. Melekli village, the last point of resistance, had also been evacuated and had taken refuge in Iranian Azerbaijan.

The Gelturan, Geloylu, Gıskanlı, and Redkanlı (Hacı Tahir Ağa) Kurds living in the part extending from Bulakbaşı village to Karahacılı village and on the Mount Ararat side of the Karasu Stream formed a militia force under the leadership of Ali Mirze Bey. Similarly, in Central and Western Iğdır, Kurdish and Azerbaijani militia forces loyal to Kerem Bey on one side and Şamil Bey on the other organized resistance against Armenian attacks in the mountainous region. Hacı Ali Ekber Tufan, by mobilizing the forces around him, undertook the task of providing coordination and communication among the scattered forces, in a sense, providing logistical support.

During the Kaça-Kaç (Flight) year (1919), the most difficult period for Iğdır, and the Civil War between 1918-1920, not a single Ottoman soldier set foot on Iğdır soil. The struggle was managed by the Kurdish and Azerbaijani militia forces, whom the esteemed author refers to as GANGS (!), and they suffered dozens of martyrs.

Towards the end of 1920, after Kars was captured from the Armenians, a general offensive plan was made against Iğdır. Three main forces coordinated to besiege Iğdır from all sides. These were, respectively:

• Local Azerbaijani and Kurdish militia forces of Iğdır,
• Kurdish Hamidiye Regiments from Bayazit Province,
• The Ottoman (Grand National Assembly) army.

These three forces were deployed around Iğdır. Realizing that they could not resist such an attack, the Armenians and Yazidis completely evacuated Iğdır, and not content with that, they also burned the wooden floor of the Markara bridge over the Aras River for security reasons. When the general offensive began, not a single shot was fired, not a single person was injured. There was no hand-to-hand combat. Not a single Armenian/Yazidi soldier or civilian was captured. We already know this clearly from three different sources:

FIRST SOURCE: FROM THE MEMOIRS OF MILITARY DOCTOR MEHMET DERVİŞ KUNTMAN OF KİLİS

OCTOBER 25, 1920

Our 34th Regiment moved to the Iğdır Front with the Celali Tribe. We took the trenches assigned to us: This was the left flank of our division's front, extending from the foot of Mount Ararat to Sinekli Plateau. In front of us is the Iğdır Plain; further ahead, the Aras River, in the distance, Yerevan, to its left, Mount Alagöz, and to our right, Mount Ararat. Our trenches are commanding and very secure positions. There is no contact with the enemy on the front yet. Although people are seen passing among the trees in the far distance, no hostile movements against us are perceived from them. Apparently, all the strength and activities of the Armenians are on the Kars side... For this reason, we set up our tents in the sheltered places of our trenches; with binoculars in hand, we keep watch over the surroundings.

NOVEMBER 12, 1920

Kars had been captured, and the Armenians had fled towards Gyumri. Although they had also evacuated Iğdır at the same time, we could not be informed of the EVACUATION of Iğdır due to the very wide front of the division and the fact that most of our forces were irregular.

SECOND SOURCE: FROM THE MEMOIRS OF KAZIM KARABEKİR PASHA

"On November 11 (Teşrinisani), I moved my headquarters to Gyumri. And I began preparations for an attack against the Armenians positioned on the eastern ridges of Gyumri and had some positions occupied east of Arpaçay. The Armenians also EVACUATED Iğdır on November 12 (Teşrinisani) and withdrew north of the Aras."

THIRD SOURCE: FROM THE MEMOIRS OF VELİ ORKUN

"The people rebelled when they heard that the Armenians would establish a state encompassing these regions between 1918-1929. Şamil Bey in Tuzluca, Kerem Bey, Ali Mirze Bey in Iğdır, and the tribes and Hamidiye regiments coming from Karaköse launched sabotage actions against the Armenians everywhere. On the other hand, Abdülmecit, Abdülkadir, Hacı Tahir, and İsa Bey, who joined these heroes, continuously raided the enemy from the Başköy, Kamışlı, Orkof, and Taşburun fronts. Our military units in Karaköse and Doğubayazıt were about a division strong. The division commanders were Abdülkerim Bey and Cavit Bey. The regiment commanders were Furuz and Reşat Bey. The national forces and the army had no patience left to march on Iğdır. Armenian units were withdrawing from all sides. The commander of this region, who was waiting for the fall of Kars, finally received the order to attack Iğdır on November 10, 1920. Our forces, coming from Orkof, Karakale, and Halfeli in three columns, established contact and marched on Iğdır in the early morning hours connecting November 11 to 12. The enemy had FLED from the Karakale and Markara bridges."

Dear readers! From the three important sources above, we learn that the Armenian forces had evacuated Iğdır before the general offensive. There was no hand-to-hand combat. There were no martyrs or wounded. (I am setting aside injuries that occurred accidentally.) Therefore, the information that a soldier named Mehmet Çavuş was martyred is not accurate. The General Staff Archives have already documented that there was no soldier by this name.

The esteemed author concludes his article as follows:

"Iğdır and its environs were liberated from Armenian occupation and oppression as a result of a heroic war fought by the Grand National Assembly Armies (i.e., regular army units) under the command of Kazım Karabekir Pasha. Where were the gangs, whose names have been turned into mythological heroes, unfortunately, when villages were raided, people were massacred, women were raped, and children and young women were taken to Echmiadzin? I commemorate all our martyrs and veterans who gifted us this homeland at the cost of their blood and lives, and our people who suffered countless hardships during the Kaça-Kaç period, losing their mothers, fathers, siblings, and children before their eyes, with respect, love, and mercy."

NOW LET'S ANSWER THE ESTEEMED AUTHOR'S STATEMENT SENTENCE BY SENTENCE:

The esteemed author's first sentence is as follows:

"Iğdır and its environs were liberated from Armenian occupation and oppression as a result of a heroic war fought by the Grand National Assembly Armies (i.e., regular army units) under the command of Kazım Karabekir Pasha."

I would like to bring to your attention the errors in this sentence, in order:

1. Iğdır experienced a civil war. Between 1918-1920, the armies of Kazım Karabekir Pasha did not set foot on Iğdır soil. Some writers state that Kazım Karabekir Pasha came to the center of Iğdır on May 5, 1920, to conduct inspections. On this date, Iğdır was under the control of Armenian forces. Kazım Karabekir Pasha first set foot in Iğdır on May 14, 1922 (14/5/1338 Rumi). (Some writers confuse the Hijri and Rumi calendars. The Ottomans used the Rumi calendar after the Tanzimat reforms.) That is, when Iğdır was captured on November 14, 1920, Kazım Karabekir Pasha did not enter Iğdır at the head of the armies.
2. The esteemed author mentions the TBMM (Turkish Grand National Assembly) Army. In those years, the TBMM had not yet been declared. There was the Grand National Assembly (BMM) army.
3. There was no hand-to-hand combat in the Iğdır plain during the final offensive because Iğdır was empty.

The esteemed author continues as follows:

"Where were the gangs, whose names have been turned into mythological heroes, unfortunately, when villages were raided, people were massacred, women were raped, and children and young women were taken to Echmiadzin?"

The esteemed author asks where the Kurdish and Azerbaijani militia forces, whom he previously disparaged and ridiculed as GANG leaders, were during the massacres and killings in the plain. Then I ask the esteemed author: Where were Kazım Karabekir Pasha and his glorious army when villages were raided, people were massacred, women were raped, and children and young women were taken to Echmiadzin? Why couldn't they intervene? Where were Kazım Karabekir Pasha, his glorious army, and the heroic armies of the Aras-Turkish Republic during the Kaça-Kaç (Flight)? Why couldn't they intervene? Furthermore, why do you avoid pronouncing the name of Bıro Heski Telli, who saved 3000 people in Melekli village from massacre in 1919? Is it because he was Kurdish? Did Bıro Heski Telli not save the Azerbaijani population from massacre, did he not save women from being raped, did he not prevent children and young women from being taken to Echmiadzin?

The tribal forces you define as GANGS not only displayed an honorable stance in their correspondence to support the Muslim population but also heroically resisted in battles.

The Kurdish and Azerbaijani militias in the mountainous region could not prevent all the massacres in the plain, but they did not flee the region. Thus, they served as vanguard forces for the Grand National Assembly army and the Hamidiye Regiments in the general offensive in November 1920. That is why the names of Kerem Bey, Şamil Bey, and Ali Mirze Bey have mythological value. Especially the name of Bıro Heski Telli (İbrahim Ağa), who came from Bayazit Province in August 1919 to help and saved 3000 people in Melekli village from massacre, has importance beyond mythological value. During the civil war years, as Hacı Ali Ekber Tufan and Şefi Öcal stated in their memoirs, they went to Bayazit and Ağrı to ask for help from the Ottoman army, i.e., Kazım Karabekir Pasha and his assistants, but the answer they received was very significant: "We don't even have a single soldier we can send."

The esteemed author concludes his article with Orhan Şaik GÖKYAY's poem titled "WHOSE IS THIS HOMELAND." After so much insidious, racist, and condescending writing, I would like to answer the question "WHOSE IS THIS HOMELAND," whose title was meaningfully chosen:

This homeland belongs to those who fought and fell as martyrs for the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. By writing "Kazım Karabekir Pasha and Mehmet Çavuş liberated Iğdır, while the GANGS (!) enjoyed themselves," on the one hand, the importance of Kurdish militia forces and Hamidiye Regiments is ignored, and on the other hand, a planned and insidious political agenda is being implemented. The essence and brief explanation of this policy are: "Turks liberated Turkey. Turkey belongs to the Turks!"

For years, with this lie and distortion, especially the Kurdish people were alienated from the state, humiliated, neglected, their language and identity denied, and pushed into the arms of illegal political and religious organizations. Especially Kurdish youth adopted the idea, "Since Turkey is not ours, then we will establish Kurdistan."

From here, I want to address the esteemed author and writers with similar views: You will no longer be able to push Kurds into the arms of illegal organizations, and you will not be able to destroy the Kurds' struggle for democracy! As original citizens of this country, Kurds will seek their rights within the rules of universal democracy, lay down their arms, embrace the Republic of Turkey as their homeland with a self-confident political vision, uphold the sacred Crescent and Star flag, and develop the Kurdish language and identity within this framework, contributing to their own history, their own national values, and the Republic of Turkey.

SECTION II

Dear readers! Since the topic of this writer has come up, I would like to share with you the contradictory and grave situation in which this so-called scientist finds himself. As you know, in my previous articles on the Boraltan Bridge, I stated that there was no such bridge in Iğdır, and I even said that if proof was shown, I would throw myself into the rushing waters of the Aras from the Boraltan Bridge. At that time, the esteemed author's claim regarding the Boraltan Bridge was as follows:

"It was 1944, the month unknown, there was a bridge called BORALTAN. And it was over the ARAS river, 146 Turkish intellectuals (Azerbaijani Turks), 2 of whom were women, crossed over... Was the other side Iğdır? It's not clear, but they crossed, they escaped from the cruel Stalin and the Red Army. They took refuge in their homeland, Turkey. The dramatic part begins here. Hold on tight. Our 'BROTHERS' who crossed the border begin to kiss the Turkish soil by bowing and prostrating... Our soldiers and compatriots embrace each other, weeping... Ankara is informed by telegram. What should we do with these arriving guests? The cruel government in Ankara orders, 'Return them immediately.' The gendarmerie commander explains the situation to our arriving brothers. Our brothers plead in pain and agony, 'Please kill us, don't give us to the Russians'... The order is final. In desperation, the arrivals are returned, and the march to death from the BORALTAN Bridge begins... Did the story crush your heart, did it wrench your soul? I was also saddened and said, 'down with the cruel ones.' At the end of our story, 146 of our brothers are crushed and massacred under tanks. The gendarmerie commander, who witnessed the event live, could not bear what he saw and committed suicide..."

The above text belongs to the esteemed author. In a later article, the esteemed author penned a new piece titled "ARAS RIVER AND THE UNKNOWN BRIDGE BORALTAN." When I read this article, I was astonished because, contrary to his previous statement, he adopted a different stance, trying to compensate for his previous mistake by using verbose language, in a sense hoping to confuse the reader. Instead of apologizing to the public, his roundabout way of concluding that there is no such bridge as Boraltan has created a truly tragicomic situation. The esteemed author, who in his previous articles accepted the existence of the Boraltan Bridge and wrote that civilians who crossed this bridge and surrendered to Turkey were crushed and massacred under tanks, does not mention civilians in his last article, accepting that the handover was military and that the handover point was the Tıhmıs gate, not the Boraltan Bridge. I bring this sentence, which I consider important, to your attention:

"(...) In accordance with this decision and through an exchange of notes establishing the principle of reciprocity with the Soviet embassy in Ankara, 195 of the 237 Soviet military refugees were returned to the Soviets as the first batch on 6.VIII.1945 through the TIHMIS GATE."

I call upon the esteemed author: I expect you to apologize to the public for giving false and misleading information by exploiting emotions about the existence of the Boraltan Bridge. Furthermore, it is essential that you apologize for referring to Şamil Bey, Hacı Ali Ekber Tufan, Kerem Bey, Ali Mirze Bey, and other Civil War heroes as GANG leaders.