In Response to Akay Aktaş Bey's Questions

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On April 23, 2019, Akay Aktaş Bey penned an article titled "QUESTIONS THAT HAVE LONG BOTHERED ME ABOUT MÜCAHİT ÖZDEN" in his column, Haftaya Bakış. If my sister in Germany hadn't alerted me today, I would have missed this article from April 23, 2019. For this, I apologize to Akay Aktaş Bey for the delay. I hope you will understand.

Akay Aktaş Bey posed the following question:

“If the 'alay' here refers to a regiment in military terminology, let's do a rough calculation. A military regiment consists of at least 1500 people. Is such a regiment being referred to, or the 'alay' in common parlance? As in, we say 'wedding procession,' 'lantern procession,' 'what if all of them come,' the word 'alay' is also used in the sense of a crowd or majority. If the Hamidiye regiments were not military but 'alay' in common parlance, then the following questions would be meaningless and should be considered null and void.”

ANSWER: Those at the head of the Hamidiye Regiments were honored with ranks such as Miralay (Colonel) or Binbaşı (Major). It was a military organization. For example, Sheikh Ibrahim served with the rank of Miralay in the Hamidiye Regiment under his command. He had assistants with the ranks of Binbaşı and Yüzbaşı (Captain) under him. Among the names I recall serving under Sheikh Ibrahim are Major Seyit Bey, Captain Fethi Bey, and Captain Maruf Bey. They received their salaries from the state. I would even like to share an anecdote. A woman whose husband was a Hamidiye Regiment commander applied to the state requesting a salary, and her request was granted. Let's talk about the military strength of the Hamidiye Regiments: This varied from tribe to tribe. Since Sheikh Ibrahim Bey was mentioned, the military strength of the Regiment he established was approximately 1500 cavalry. The Hamidiye Regiments under Sheikh Ibrahim Bey and Kör Hüseyin Pasha had the largest numbers. For example, Hüsrev Konyar's grandfather, Ahmed Ağa, was at the head of a Hamidiye Regiment with the rank of Binbaşı, but his military strength was smaller. In conclusion, the Hamidiye Regiments are not null and void; on the contrary, they ARE VALID.

Akay Aktaş Bey's second question is as follows:

“In this case, how many units did the Armenians have that they could fight against these highly experienced forces familiar with the region?”

ANSWER: The total forces under Andranik Ozanian, Drastamat Kanayan (Dro), General Nazarbekian, and other Armenian commanders exceeded 40,000. This number I've given is the absolute minimum. They were extremely well-equipped with the weapons and equipment of the retreating Russian soldiers. However, not all of these forces were stationed in Iğdır, of course. The war was ongoing across a wide front. Dro made Taşburun his headquarters and waged war against the local Kurdish tribes and Azerbaijanis with the military force he established there.

This civil war continued without external support until October 1920. Finally, when the military forces under Kazım Karabekir Pasha (Cevat Pasha and Firuz Bey), the Hamidiye Regiments, and the Kurdish and Azerbaijani militia forces in Iğdır formed a coordination and besieged Iğdır, Dro, realizing he could not cope with them, requested a truce to evacuate the civilian population in Iğdır. After a seven-day ceasefire, the Hamidiye Regiments, Kurdish-Azerbaijani militia forces, and Ottoman (Grand National Assembly) soldiers captured Iğdır without firing a single shot.

You might have asked this question: Why did the Hamidiye Regiments not enter Iğdır in 1918 or 1919? Because Kazım Karabekir Pasha needed these Regiments in Anatolia. For example, Kör Hüseyin Pasha, commander of a Hamidiye Regiment, single-handedly cleared a very large area of Armenian komitacıs (militants). In short, Armenian komitacıs in Anatolia, from Sivas to Kars and Iğdır, were pushed back in cooperation by the Hamidiye Regiments and the units under Kazım Karabekir Pasha. The heroism shown by Abdulmecit Bey, commander of a Hamidiye Regiment, in the capture of Kars is still spoken of by the local people.

Akay Aktaş Bey writes:

“The Armenians, realizing they could not resist the National Struggle forces, crossed the Aras and defended Iğdır with a small force. Finally, after a 7-day truce (ceasefire) concluded on November 5, the Liberation forces, advancing on Iğdır from three directions, occupied this corner of the Homeland.”

ANSWER: The expression used above is taken from Mecit Hun's own pen, from the November 12, 1954 issue of Pamukova Newspaper. Thus, the phrase "Homeland" used here belongs to Mecit Hun. His use of such an expression within the conditions of that period is understandable. My personal assessment is different. The correct expression should have been, "Iğdır was incorporated into the borders of the Grand National Assembly." Because the Russians were not occupying Iğdır. The Russian presence was between 1829-1917. Such a long occupation is not possible! If we look at it this way, the Greeks would also come up with an illogical conclusion like, "Turks are occupying Anatolia."

Akay Aktaş Bey writes:

“I would like to add something about Şefi ÖCAL Bey. Şefi Bey is a delegate who participated in the Erzurum Congress representing Sürmeli Çukuru.”

ANSWER: The Erzurum Congress was a congress where the people within the Ottoman borders gathered. In those years, Iğdır, Kars, and Ardahan were under Russian/Armenian administration. It is not possible for Şefi Öcal Bey to have been a delegate at the Erzurum Congress. I have not encountered any document or statement to this effect so far. A total of 56 delegates from 5 provinces participated in the Erzurum Congress; 3 provinces (Elazığ, Diyarbakır, Mardin) could not send delegates for various reasons. For more detailed information, you can refer to the link below.

http://erzurumportali.com/shf/3378/Erzurum-Kongresi-Delegeleri

Akay Aktaş Bey writes:

“ After Iğdır was rejoined to the homeland, the first elected mayor was Hanlar Öcal Bey, Şefi Öcal Bey's cousin (Laçin Abla's father - Pharmacist Nazım Karadağ's grandfather).”

ANSWER: A similar polemic occurred before. I reiterate my view. Iğdır's first mayor was appointed by the District Governor of the time, not elected. District Governor Numan Efendi gave this duty to İbrahim Ağa, son of Ali Mirze Bey. During his tenure as Mayor, İbrahim Ağa confiscated abandoned buildings vacated by Armenians, accumulating a large fortune. As the Azerbaijani population, who had retreated to a safe zone in Iranian Azerbaijan, gradually returned, the population in Iğdır center developed in favor of the Azerbaijanis. Kurds did not settle in the city center as they preferred a semi-nomadic life. İbrahim Ağa also withdrew from his duty after about 2-3 years.

In these years, Ali Mirze Bey was the wealthiest person in Iğdır. When the Turkish Aeronautical Association came to Iğdır in 1925 for a donation campaign, Ali Mirze Bey (İbrahim Ağa) made the largest donation. He was honored with a golden airplane. This golden airplane is still in the possession of his grandchildren. The second largest donation was made by Hamit Bey. Hamit (Güneş) Bey is the father of Kerem Bey, Fettah Bey, Abdürrezak Bey, and Naci Bey. Hamit Bey was honored with a silver airplane. In those years, there was no wealthy Azerbaijani who could make such a large monetary donation. İbrahim Ağa's misfortune was the law on the exile of Ağa and Beys enacted in 1926. He fled to Iran with his father Ali Mirze Bey and his entire family. The state confiscated all of İbrahim Ağa's and Ali Mirze Bey's real estate assets in the city center. Similarly, it confiscated their camel caravan in Trabzon. Ali Mirze Bey, the wealthiest man in Iğdır, suddenly found himself penniless in Iran.

When an amnesty was declared in 1928, Ali Mirze Bey and his family wanted to return to Turkey. An unfortunate incident occurred at the border. Ali Mirze Bey's younger son, Esed Bey, shot and killed his elder brother, İbrahim Ağa, during an argument. If İbrahim Ağa had lived, or if Ali Mirze Bey had not lost his assets, no one would have objected to İbrahim Ağa being the first mayor. Ali Mirze Bey was very unlucky. Having lost his money and two sons, at the age of 90, the leaders of the Ağrı Dağı Rebellion asked him to join the rebellion in the spring of 1930. He refused this offer and went to the Kandil plateau on the Tuzluca side.

In the 1990s, the PKK, its allied parties, and its media declared Ali Mirze Bey a "traitor." Their justification was his donation to the Turkish Aeronautical Association. Allegedly, the Kurdish people were bombed in the Ağrı Dağı Rebellion with planes purchased with Ali Mirze Bey's donation! A difficult logic to unravel! The Turkish Aeronautical Association had collected money for civil aviation. Moreover, Hamit Bey also made a donation, but the PKK ignores him. This "traitor" label is still on Ali Mirze Bey. The state honored Iğdır Civil War heroes Şamil Bey, Kerem Bey, and Hacı Ekber Tufan by building monumental tombs for them, but Ali Mirze Bey was forgotten. Ali Mirze Bey is still a "traitor" in the eyes of both the PKK and the state. The saddest part is that even if someone is his grandchild, when they pronounce Ali Mirze Bey's name by adding the epithet "traitor," they receive attention from certain parties, thus seizing opportunities for political gain and even becoming a mayor.

This unfortunate hero lies today in Karakuyu cemetery next to Ahmed Şemo, his son-in-law, who was also a hero of the Iğdır Civil War years. Ahmed Şemo's brother, Mustafa, was martyred in the attack on Armenian komitacıs in Taşburun.

Do you know why I wrote all this? Let's not be unfair to the past of Ali Mirze Bey and his son İbrahim Ağa, who were crushed by circumstances, the state, and the PKK. İbrahim Ağa was Iğdır's first appointed Mayor. Contrary statements and decisions would make this personality turn in his grave and would be disrespectful to the memory of the Kurdish people.

Sincerely,