The Anatomy of My Independent Candidacy in Iğdır in 2007

Dear Readers:

NOTE: For my readers who are not from Iğdır, this article will be long and boring. I apologize.

As you know, there is less than a year left until the General Elections. Some predict a primary election on November 6, while others insist on May 14, 2023. To be honest, I am not concerned with when the election will be held.

Election polls are published in all the news, and various scenarios are brought to the agenda. As "Election" cries reached my ears from all directions, I unconsciously remembered my days as an Independent Candidate from Iğdır in 2007. Until now, I had not put my experiences into writing. With this article, I want to share with you, uncensored and with all my sincerity, how I decided to enter the 2007 elections, the difficulties I faced, and the struggle I waged.

I am writing this article not for you to get to know me, but rather with the intention of conveying what happens during an election period.

HOW DID I DECIDE TO BECOME AN INDEPENDENT CANDIDATE?

On December 9, 2006, after 8 months of work, I left my position as General Manager of the Sugar Factory in İmişli, Azerbaijan, and returned to Ankara. When my sisters also came from Germany, we spent the end of the year at the Asya Hotel in Kızılcahamam, which my mother loved very much.

It was around mid-February. Friends I knew from America, who were planning to invest in the energy sector in Russia, asked me to work with them, considering that I knew Russian. We met in Moscow in April. We settled into a hotel and began negotiations with Russian officials.

POLITICAL DEADLOCK IN TURKEY

The Turkish Armed Forces were unwilling to accept someone from the AK Party becoming President in place of Ahmet Necdet Sezer, whose term was expiring. On April 27, 2007, the General Staff issued a harsh warning by publishing an "e-memorandum." Thereupon, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey convened on May 3, 2007, and in the vote held, it was decided to hold early elections on July 22, 2007.

MY FATHER AND MY DREAM

I was not interested in politics. I had no election plan. I was sitting in a cafe in Moscow, chatting with friends while also glancing at the news from Turkey.

I will never forget, it was the night connecting May 4 to May 5. As I was sleeping soundly, my father's silhouette suddenly appeared at the door. My eyes were open or half-open. My father was standing as I had last seen him, gently scratching the back of his head with his right hand, as he did in troubled times. He spoke in a reproachful tone:

"I left you a spiritual legacy. I gave up my higher education for my tribe (Geloylu). I dedicated my life to the CHP and social democracy. All six of my children have withdrawn into their corners as they please, doing nothing. My son, at least you do something!"

Yes, my eyes were open, but I was motionless. My father stood there in the semi-darkness. My mind seemed to have stopped. My father's words had flowed into my heart and mind like a "revelation." I sat up slightly in my bed and waited for the effect of the dream, perhaps nightmare, to pass. I couldn't sleep.

RETURN TO ANKARA

Using my mother's illness as an excuse, I returned to Ankara on the evening of May 5. My mother and my cat were happy with my return.

For two or three days, I evaluated the situation by myself. I was not a member of any party. Moreover, there was a 10% threshold. My only option was to be an "Independent Candidate." According to the Supreme Election Council's (YSK) calendar, independent candidates could apply to the Provincial Election Board of the province they wished to run in starting from Monday, May 21, 2007. Since there was no e-government application in those years, I gathered the required documents such as criminal records, etc.

It was Saturday, May 19. I kissed my mother's hand and announced my decision: "I am going to declare my independent candidacy. Pray for me!" My mother was surprised, because I had not discussed this with anyone. My mother was the first to hear my decision. In the afternoon, I set off for Iğdır by bus.

When I arrived in Iğdır, I stayed at the Barbaros Hotel due to a special family friendship. My brother Ahmet Hun came to me. I explained my decision. He listened silently.

MY APPLICATION

On Monday, May 21, I went to the Governorship Building, deposited the amount equivalent to the gross monthly salary of the highest-ranking civil servant (I think it was around 500 TL), submitted my documents to the Provincial Election Board, and applied as an Independent Social Democratic candidate. I was the first to apply for candidacy in Iğdır.

THE SITUATION OF THE PARTIES

The Democratic People's Party (DEHAP) participated in the 2002 elections and received 33% of the votes in Iğdır. However, since DEHAP received 6.23% of the votes nationwide, it could not elect any deputies due to the 10% threshold. If DEHAP had passed the 10% threshold in 2002, it would have elected two deputies from Iğdır, and Yücel Artantaş and Dr. Dursun Akdemir would not have been elected.

Dr. Dursun Akdemir first applied to the CHP, and realizing he was placed second, he became an independent candidate at the last minute. Dr. Dursun Akdemir is both brave and lucky because DEHAP, DYP, and MHP, which received more votes than him, could not pass the national threshold, and thus he was elected as a Deputy with 9.81% of the votes.

Since DEHAP was closed, the Democratic Society Party (DTP) was established in its place. In the 2007 elections, the DTP was hesitant about the 10% threshold. The last day for independent candidates to apply was June 4, and for parties, it was June 20. The DTP would either take the risk and participate in the election as a party, or it would put forward independent candidates and then form a group in parliament. If it was going to enter the election with independent candidates, it had to decide by June 4. When I became a candidate, these discussions were ongoing. In other parties, political lobbying had accelerated, and the process of determining their candidates had begun.

AN UNPLEASANT SITUATION

I needed to return to Ankara as soon as possible and send the necessary brochures and posters for printing.

It was evening. Ahmet Hun and I were sitting in the coffeehouse across from the Barbaros Hotel, drinking tea. A relative appeared next to us. When Ahmet Hun said, "Mücahit has applied for independent candidacy," my relative became uncomfortable and reacted by saying, "This is not good! Where did this come from!" I ignored it.

Soon after, my uncle Aziz Güney's two sons, Mustafa and Ahmet, came to us. They must have heard from our relative that I was an independent candidate. After a short conversation, Mustafa Güney interjected:

"We learned that you are an independent candidate. This saddened us greatly. My brother is married to the niece of Interior Minister Abdülkadir Aksu. The Minister promised, 'Just be a candidate, I will make you the first on the list.' Now, if you also become a candidate, since we belong to the same tribe, the votes will be split, and my brother's 100% chance of becoming a deputy will be ruined. I want you to withdraw your independent candidacy."

"Oh, come on," I said to myself. I, with my free will, without consulting anyone, with my mother's blessings, came alone and declared my candidacy, and now a relative stands before me, disrespectfully interfering with my will, putting pressure on me to withdraw my candidacy. Thus, I was facing the first crisis of my candidacy.

I took the floor:

"I want to discuss this matter with Ahmet (Güney) one-on-one, like gentlemen, in the hotel room."

Ahmet and I went to the hotel room. I remember making a promise:

"I cannot withdraw my candidacy right now. If the AK Party nominates you as the first on their list, I promise I will withdraw my candidacy."

Mustafa Güney was attacking me in an ill-mannered way, using "conscience and betrayal" to promote his own brother, but Ahmet Hun was silent. I had a scent of something, but the arrow had already left the bow.

I left Iğdır.

AGAIN, A RELATIVE'S THREAT

When I returned to Ankara, my first order of business was to print my brochures and posters. I sent them to Iğdır by cargo.

While in Ankara, one evening I received a call from abroad. On the other end of the line was my relative İzzet Tırpan. He was calling from Germany. Before we even exchanged greetings, he started speaking, openly threatening me:

"Withdraw your candidacy immediately, or I will break your leg! You will not go to Iğdır!"

Earlier, in my youth, Izzet Tırpan and I had confronted each other again. I don't want to go into the details of that now. After Mustafa Güney, Izzet Tırpan's blatant and disrespectful threat was something I could not accept. The only thing I remember is swearing at him and hanging up the phone. Yet, I had not been disrespectful to him personally; in fact, I had personally signed and presented him with the book "Iğdır Sevdası" (Love of Iğdır) at his office in Düsseldorf Airport in 2002, along with my sister Süheyla Aksoy. What strange humanity!

WHO ARE THE CANDIDATES?

I returned to Iğdır in the first week of June. Parties had to submit their candidate names to the YSK by June 20. The DTP decided to participate independently. They initially wanted to nominate Leyla Zana from Iğdır, but then Pervin Buldan became the candidate. The AK Party had also determined its candidates: Ali Güner was first on the list. My relative Ahmet Güney's name was not even on the reserve list. In this case, there was no reason for me to withdraw my candidacy.

A complicated situation was unfolding in the MHP. A dispute arose between Nurettin Aras, who was elected Mayor of Iğdır from the MHP in 2004, and Mr. Bahçeli, due to the expulsion of Nevzat Aras from the MHP Provincial Chairmanship. Nurettin Aras also left the MHP. Moreover, he had issued a threat: "I will show you Nurettin Aras's power in the elections!"

The two MHP candidates were Abbas Bozyel and Gündüz Güneş.

The two Democratic Party candidates were Şamil Ayrım and Yıldırım Turan.

Initially, the independent candidates were: Mücahit Özden Hun, Haydar Mızrak, Süleyman Taşkınsu, Nevzat Aras (Nurettin Aras's relative and Mehmet Aras's brother), Pervin Buldan, Osman Toka.

When Haydar Mızrak announced his withdrawal in favor of Pervin Buldan, 5 independent candidates remained.

The two CHP candidates were Yücel Artantaş and Nuri Alagöz.

There was a situation: The last day for independent candidates to apply was June 4. The deadline for parties to submit their lists to the YSK was June 20.

AND THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN BEGINS

As per the rules, on June 5, a draw was held at the Provincial Election Board to determine the positions of independent candidates on the ballot paper. Independent candidates gathered in a small room. I remember being placed first in the draw. In those years, there were no pictures of candidates on the ballot papers. Since independents also had no emblem, the question of how illiterate Kurdish voters would vote for their desired independent candidate became a serious problem not only in Iğdır but throughout Turkey. They found a solution called "measuring with a string." I don't know its success in practice.

Pervin Buldan was staying at the Barbaros Hotel. She was also using the coffeehouse across from the hotel as her election office. So, I settled into the Olimpia Hotel, run by my beloved Azeri friends.

I rented a coffeehouse in Iğdır, known as "Kapan," as my election office. My posters were pasted on the windows. Like every candidate, I started my election campaign.

I didn't have much money or savings. While working in Azerbaijan, my salary was $5000. Since I worked for 8 months, I had accumulated nearly $40,000 in accounting. When I had an argument with my boss and left the company angrily, I didn't bother to collect the money from accounting. In the following months, my brother Selahattin Hun, who worked for the same company, delivered the money to me in cash in Ankara.

I remember spending a lot of money on brochures and posters. I didn't have a private car; I had to rent one. I was trying to keep my budget under control to cover car rental, office rent, and hotel expenses. I hadn't received a single penny of help from anyone else.

Thanks to my book "Iğdır Sevdası," published in 2002, I knew the history and genealogy of Iğdır very well, but of course, I had no knowledge of people's attitudes and intentions.

A relative named İsmet was a taxi driver. We agreed on a daily rate, with me covering the fuel.

As the election campaign gained momentum, I began to get to know the people around me. There was an organic link between the DTP and the PKK militants in the mountains. Everyone knew this! Day by day, the pressure and threats against me began to increase. I thought that at least my Geloylu relatives would visit my election office. No, my office was empty! I was cursed, ostracized.

I had been declared a "traitor" by the PKK and DTP. My posters were torn down, and the young people I paid to put them up were beaten. (Note: Throughout all my election campaigns, the only person who fearlessly displayed my brochure in the window of his grocery store, despite threats, was my late Uncle Hamit Güney, the husband of my aunt Almas. I remember him with mercy!)

One day, the owner of the office I rented came to me and said he had received threats and therefore wanted me to vacate the office immediately. There was nothing I could do! I vacated the office, handed all the posters to my brother Ahmet, and asked him to take them home. The bitter part was that Ahmet Hun's wife, who was also my relative, sent me off by saying to my face, "Don't come to our house again."

After vacating the office, I started touring the province of Iğdır with İsmet, the taxi driver. I was alone. There was no one with me. I distributed my brochures and gave speeches in village or district coffeehouses.

A BITTER INCIDENT

In the middle of the election campaign, we received bad news. A truck carrying my tribe to the highlands had overturned into a ditch, killing 5 people. The bodies were brought to Iğdır towards evening. They were washed and shrouded in the Baharlı Neighborhood Mosque. We buried our dead at midnight in the cemeteries of Karahacılı and Kolikent villages. I was very sad. Most of the deceased were children and women.

On the second day, I took Ahmet Hun and Necdet Hun with me and went to the condolence tent in the village. The condolence place was crowded. It seemed as if the entire tribe had gathered there. We sat at the table and recited our prayers. As I sipped the tea placed before me, a relative from the crowd said, "Congratulations! You've become a candidate! Can you win?"

Answering such a question on such a painful day, in a condolence tent, when 5 of my relatives had died, was not an approach I could accept. I remained silent. They interpreted my silence differently. This time, as if I had committed a mistake, another relative interjected, asking why I was a candidate. The question implicitly suggested: "The state made you a candidate to make Pervin Buldan lose!"

Of course, this was not true! I had announced my candidacy first in Iğdır. At that time, Pervin Buldan's name was not even mentioned. There was news circulating that if the DTP nominated an independent candidate, it would be Leyla Zana. I even learned that Leyla Zana had come to Iğdır for a few days.

I was angry because I was forced to respond to verbal provocations at the condolence gathering. My silence, out of respect for the deceased, was being perceived differently. I started speaking, explaining at length why I was a candidate. I remember a wave of excitement sweeping through the crowd. When we stood up to say goodbye, everyone in the tent stood up and shook my hand in turn, in a sense sending the message, "we are with you."

Pervin Buldan must have been disturbed by this news, as she made a move to avoid losing the Geloylu Tribe. Pervin Buldan had a lot of money, whose source was known to everyone. She launched a four-pronged attack: On one hand, she incited members of my tribe against me, sending DTP-member or DTP-leaning relatives to me, saying, "Clean up your own mess." According to the rules, if someone from another tribe killed or harmed me, the Geloylu Tribe could turn it into a "blood feud," but if a Geloylu harmed me, the incident would be closed as an "internal tribal matter."

Soon after, a young relative from Karakuyu village came to the Olimpia Hotel and spoke in an imperative tone: "You are leaving Iğdır immediately tomorrow, or we will kill you."

I remember giving this answer: "I am not afraid of you! Let the one who kills me be a Geloylu bullet. The place you will bury me is Karakuyu village, where my grandfather's and father's graves are. This is an honor for me."

A few days later, my cousin Ümit Alagöz came to the hotel with his son and Ahmet Hun. When Ümit and his son accused me of splitting votes and betraying the Kurds, I swore at both of them and kicked them out of the hotel. What was interesting was that Ahmet Hun brought them and remained silent.

Telephone threats also began to intensify. I had previously visited and met the then-Governor Saim Saffet Karahisarlı in his office. His son was a student at ITU, where I had graduated. A closeness had developed between us. I called him and informed him about the threats. Our esteemed Governor was cautious: "I can ensure your safety while distributing brochures in central Iğdır, but I cannot help in villages and other districts. I cannot endanger the lives of my soldiers!"

I did not accept the offer. If I distributed brochures in Iğdır with police by my side, this would confirm the slanders that Pervin Buldan and her supporters spread about me, such as "MIT agent, CIA agent, man of the dark state."

Pervin Buldan was not content with this; she reached out to the mountain cadres and activated them. A relative came to me and said that Murat Karayılan had mentioned my name on MED-TV, the PKK's broadcasting organ, saying, "Give that traitor the necessary punishment! I entrust Pervin Buldan to you." Indeed, news reports published these days confirm that Buldan communicated with Karayılan through "tapes."

Pervin Buldan had plenty of money. She rented buses from metropolises like Istanbul and Izmir and brought young PKK sympathizers to Iğdır. Not content with this, she also attracted the youth of Ağrı to Iğdır to secure her election. Iğdır was suddenly filled with unfamiliar faces. While I went to the villages alone, the young people gathered by Pervin Buldan put the voters under psychological pressure, almost one person per household. Since the youth of Ağrı were brought to Iğdır, independent candidates from Ağrı, which elected 5 deputies in those years, could not win. Independent candidate Dr. Naci Kutlay lost by a small margin.

(Note: Pervin Buldan was a millionaire, living in Istanbul. What I don't understand is how and on what grounds Pervin Buldan, a middle school graduate, was easily appointed to the Iğdır Provincial Special Administration before the 2007 elections, as if she had previously worked as a civil servant, without ever starting work for a single day, and no one raised an objection, and perhaps these records have been swept under the rug. It is thought-provoking that Pervin Buldan, who had millions, would leave Istanbul and want to earn "small money" in a remote place like Iğdır. Furthermore, after becoming a Member of Parliament, as we learned from news reports, despite being caught with drugs on one occasion and PKK militants on another in her official car, she was never subjected to any serious prosecution. Who is protecting this lady? HDP voters should question this.)

The Kurdish People are telling you, "Don't cast a shadow, we don't want any other favor."

I realized I was left to my own devices. In the evenings, when Ahmet Hun and Necdet Hun, who used to visit me at the hotel, also disappeared, I was left alone. Necdet Hun vanished, saying, "I have business in Erzurum." Ahmet Hun didn't feel the need to give an excuse. He tolerated it for a while, thinking I would get scared by the threats and flee, but when he saw that didn't happen, he shut himself in his house. Not content with that, he called acquaintances and cast doubt in people's minds by saying, "My brother Mücahit has lost his mind! That's why he came from America." Yet, in 1990, I had sent Ahmet Hun 500,000 German Marks, wanting to help him establish a farm. Hacı sat on that money forever. Not content with that, he told everyone he met, "My siblings have seized my property," a literary fabrication. What a creature!

(As if this betrayal in 2007 wasn't enough, it was 2-3 years ago. Ahmet Hun's son, Physics Teacher Mehmet Akif Hun, came to the Star Royal hotel and sat next to me in the lobby. For no reason, in the middle of the conversation, he said, "Uncle, I didn't vote for you in the 2007 elections, I voted for Yücel Artantaş." The pain of having such a shameless and brazen nephew filled my heart. His aim was already to achieve this. Ahmet Hun and his family had also voted for the AK Party.)

My two cousins, bless their hearts, were not idle either; they wrapped themselves in their headscarves and went door-to-door, working against me.

In all this abandonment, two individuals organized meetings for me to introduce myself:

The first was Kâmil Aslan, President of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

Mr. Kâmil gathered the members in the meeting room. We had a pleasant conversation in a question-and-answer format. I am a person who values loyalty. I would like to extend my thanks to Mr. Kâmil Aslan, even if belatedly. The interesting thing is that in the middle of the meeting, Ahmet Barbaros entered the hall, sweating profusely. Because he supported Pervin Buldan, he started asking arrogant questions to embarrass me. He got the answer he deserved. Poor man!

The other loyal person was the late Ahmet Gelal. He was a school principal. He had gathered foreign teachers in a classroom and asked them to meet me. I left this meeting, which proceeded in a question-and-answer format, satisfied. May God have mercy on him!

MY DRIVER DISAPPEARS

My relative İsmet, whose car I rented and paid daily, suddenly disappeared. I was left without a car. Kurdish taxi drivers avoided me because they were receiving threats, or who knows, perhaps they also saw me as a "traitor." I continued my election campaign with Azeri taxi drivers. Azeri taxi drivers did not dare to enter Kurdish villages. They would drop me off at the village entrance, and I would walk around the village coffeehouses with my brochures and then return to the taxi.

HASAN ALAGÖZ'S SWEET BETRAYAL

Hasan Alagöz is my cousin. There is a six-month age difference between us. We grew up together. We often shared the same bed. We attended primary school in the same class. We played football together. We went to the cinema. (Although Hasan Alagöz, being a devout child in those years, would close his eyes during kissing scenes in movies to avoid sin, begging me, 'Mücahit, let me know when the kissing scene is over.')

In the 2004 Local Elections, he was the SHP (Social Democratic Populist Party) candidate for Mayor of Iğdır (in those years, DEHAP and left-wing parties had merged under the SHP umbrella). His most serious rival was Nurettin Aras from the MHP. One of the two sides would win the election. I was working in Ankara. To support my childhood friend, my cousin Hasan Alagöz, I went to Iğdır.

Hasan Alagöz's team was working feverishly. Three French people had come from Bordeaux, France. Hasan said these friends were sent by the European Union to report on the transparency of the elections. The French knew little English. Hasan asked me to take care of these friends. So, I took charge of the three-person French group. I spoke French, giving them information about Iğdır and its history. Their questions were endless. They were lucky; they were with the author of the book IĞDIR SEVDASI, and someone who spoke French fluently.

It was election day. I was going around the ballot boxes with the three French people. Suddenly, a car stopped in front of us. A person, whom I later understood to be the Governor, got out of the car angrily and approached us, asking, "Who are these foreigners?" I replied, "They are European Union election observers." He spoke harshly, "Let them show their observer IDs!" Naively, I turned to the French, "He wants to see your observer IDs. Please take them out!"

The French youths were surprised:

"What observer ID?"

"Aren't you EU election observers?"

"No! We are Master's students in the Department of Oriental Languages at Bordeaux University. A Kurdish Association invited us here, paying for our travel. Our aim is to prepare a thesis topic..."

I understood the situation. I turned to the Governor:

"The friends forgot their IDs at the hotel."

"If you appear before me without IDs again, I will have all of you arrested."

The car drove away, and I was angry at myself for falling into the trap. I could have asked the young people this question earlier. Ignoring this threat, I took the three French people around from ballot box to ballot box.

In the July 22, 2007 elections, Hasan Alagöz came to Iğdır three days before the elections. I had worked for him in the 2004 elections, even taking risks. He didn't even bother to call or visit me out of courtesy. I was learning about disloyalty from my relatives, one after another. I am grateful to them for giving me a life lesson.

THE HATRED OF "ATILA HUN"

When I went to village and district coffeehouses with the taxi driver İsmet, before I even started speaking, someone would randomly interject, "Are you Atila Hun's brother? What good did we see from your brother that we should see from you? You go, let Atila Hun come! We won't vote for you until he accounts for himself," they would complain. I was tired of hearing the name "Atila Hun"!

These words of hatred regarding Atila Hun had affected all Iğdır voters, from Tuzluca to Aralık, from Iğdır to Karakoyunlu, as if they had conspired. I was forced to say, "You cannot ask me to account for Atila Hun. One day when he comes to Iğdır, you can ask him to account for himself."

While I was accounting for Atila Hun in coffeehouses, did Atila Hun ever call me to wish me success? No! Yet, it was I who encouraged Atila Hun to run for parliament during his visit to Germany in 1990 and guaranteed to provide the necessary financial support.

In the 1991 elections, he ran as a candidate for the SHP. He came in 5th in the delegate election. In that election, there was a "preferential voting" system. For this, he needed an extensive team effort covering 15 districts, including the central district of Kars. In short, he needed more money.

I was working in France. I was earning good money. I sent Atila Hun large sums of money twice. He was lucky. With my money and Mecit Hun's political and spiritual legacy, he was elected as a deputy in an unexpected and undeserved manner. The first thing he did as soon as he became a deputy was to turn his back on all his relatives, including me.

Atila Hun never called me during the election process, but he was closely following the developments through Orhan Hun. He would activate people he considered close and instruct them to stay away from me. To their credit, they fulfilled their assigned task perfectly.

At the beginning of my election campaign, Orhan Hun came to me and warned, "Don't let anyone speak ill of Atila Abi," and then completely disappeared. The disloyalty continued: Years later, Atilla Hun's wife, in a private conversation, arrogantly said, "One of the Huns was a candidate in Iğdır, but I didn't know he was Mücahit," and similar remarks. Simple people!

Selahattin Hun did not come to Iğdır. He called once, and reluctantly asked, "Do you need money?" I replied, "No!"

ATTEMPTED EXECUTION

Seeing that I did not withdraw from the election despite all the threats and did not leave Iğdır, the DTP or unknown forces activated an execution squad.

It was three in the morning. The July heat was suffocating. My phone rang. A relative was on the phone: "Uncle, two friends want to discuss the Kurdish Issue with you. They are waiting in the lobby."

I was sensitive to the wishes of the voters. I went downstairs. My relative excused himself and left.

My back was to the reception. Two unfamiliar faces were sitting opposite me. They were wearing jackets in the July heat. One of them casually asked, "What do you think about the Kurdish Issue?"

While I was explaining my views, the two young men were not listening to me; they were glancing at each other, displaying strange behaviors. At one point, while I was still speaking, one of them leaned into the other's ear. At that moment, I saw the gun at his waist. The receptionist must have seen this too, because he grabbed the phone and called the police: "Officer, they are trying to rob the car in front of our hotel. It would be good if you sent a team!"

As soon as the two young men heard this, they stood up and disappeared. Years later, from confessions, I would understand that those two young men had been sent to execute me.

YÜCEL ARTANTAŞ'S CHAUVINISTIC APPROACH

While I was struggling with a thousand troubles, this time I started hearing the same sentence without exception in the Azeri coffeehouses I visited:

"Didn't you withdraw your candidacy?"

"No! Who said that!"

"Yücel Artantaş just came. He said, 'Mücahit Özden Hun had a bouquet of flowers made and went to Pervin Buldan, apologized, and withdrew his candidacy. The Kurds are uniting, let's unite too!'"

Since this sentence came up frequently, I had sworn that the first time I saw Yücel Artantaş, I would punch him in the face.

It was precisely during those days that my friend and colleague from ASAM, Sinan Oğan, visited me at the Olimpia Hotel and wished me success. When he asked, "Is there anything you need?" I immediately interjected: "My brother Sinan, you are also from Melekli, and so is Yücel Artantaş... Please ask him to stop the rumors he is spreading here and there, mentioning my name and claiming that I withdrew my candidacy in favor of Pervin Buldan. This is not befitting a former Member of Parliament! Bad things could happen!"

Yücel Artantaş's aim was to create an Azeri-Kurdish rivalry between himself and Pervin Buldan, and to gather Azeri votes for the CHP. He needed chauvinistic rhetoric. However, one point he overlooked was this: Azeri voters were focused on the fierce struggle between the MHP and Nevzat Aras. Indeed, the MHP and Nevzat Aras, separately, received more votes than Yücel Artantaş. Despite all his efforts, Yücel Artantaş finished the election in fifth place with 8.4% of the votes. This was, of course, a great defeat!

POLITICAL GENTLEMANSHIP

Pervin Buldan and Yücel Artantaş had abandoned themselves to an ambitious political propaganda, violating the rules of political ethics. For me, what mattered was respect and sportsmanship, not who won. Mr. Şamil Ayrım, who is currently an Istanbul Deputy, was a candidate from the Democratic Party.

One day, my path led me to Pernavut (Gaziler), Mr. Şamil Ayrım's ancestral village (town). There were coffeehouses in the middle of the square. I stood on a stool and addressed the crowd: "Dear fellow citizens! I have come not to ask for your votes, but to greet you. Your own son, Mr. Şamil Ayrım, is a candidate. Please support him, stand behind him."

In the evening, Mr. Şamil Ayrım came to the Olimpia Hotel for a courtesy visit and conveyed his thanks.

ONE OF MY ELECTION BROCHURES

RIGHT TO SPEAK AT THE PODIUM

Independents also had the right to speak at the podium. Frankly, I thought I could deliver my most important message to the Iğdır voters with this opportunity. It was my turn to speak after Nevzat Aras. When Nevzat Aras extended his speech, taking up my speaking time as well, this opportunity slipped away from me. My verbal applications to the Provincial Election Board yielded no results.

SOME RECKLESS AZERIS

As a rule, candidates visited state institutions, the municipality, the governorship, the gendarmerie command, the police department, etc.

I, too, entered the State Hydraulic Works (DSİ) building alone with my brochures, left brochures in every room, and went upstairs. I came to a large hall. There were civil servants at the tables. I was about to leave after distributing my brochures when a young man shouted from behind, loud enough for me to hear: "It was Hüseyin Akbulut and Mecit Hun who stirred up this country (Iğdır), and now his son is asking for our votes!"

This was a blatant insult. I shouted: "Don't be rude! I will not allow anyone to insult the spiritual legacy of both Hüseyin Akbulut and Mecit Hun!"

Chaos erupted, and they removed me from there. In the evening, while I was in the hotel lobby, I received a call. It was the person who had insulted me. He politely apologized and asked me to forget what had happened. With the same courtesy, I said I had forgotten everything and hung up the phone.

One day, while walking in the city, I came to a crowded area with tables on a side street. It turned out to be Yücel Artantaş's election office! Those at the table invited me to drink tea. After a short conversation, one of them asked an unpleasant question: "Why isn't Atila Hun with you?" The conversation changed direction and turned into an argument. I left the place unpleasantly.

SOME GENTLEMANLY AZERIS

I was in Tuzluca. I was going from grocery store to grocery store, distributing brochures. Then I found myself in front of Pervin Buldan's election office. Someone politely invited me to drink tea. I sat down. The conversation eventually turned to the Kurdish Issue. I am someone who has read hundreds of books on the Kurdish Issue. I can read and write Kurdish, but I have difficulty speaking it. Someone, as if mocking, said, "What kind of Kurd are you if you don't know Kurdish!" My answer was ready: "Does Abdullah Öcalan know Kurdish?" There was no sound.

I got up and crossed to the opposite sidewalk. As I was leaving a grocery store, someone sitting on the sidewalk spoke to me from where he sat: "Like your father, you are also a man of the counter-guerrilla!"

I swore. Not only that, but I turned to those in Pervin Buldan's office and kept shouting that what they were doing was wrong, that hoping for provocation was desperation. Suddenly, applause erupted from a crowd a little further away. I approached them. It was the MHP's election office. I thanked them.

One day, I was walking in the district of Aralık. As I passed in front of a coffeehouse, I was invited inside. A candidate cannot refuse an invitation. I sat down. Abbas Bozyel, Gündüz Güneş, and İsa Yaşar Tezel introduced themselves. We had a pleasant conversation. I remembered Abbas Bozyel from the football match at Mal Meydanı.

One day, the famous football players of Iğdır Spor, İzzet, his brother İssi, Vidalı Kemal, Göçmen, Timur, Abbas, and others, had come to Mal Meydanı to play a match among themselves. I was younger. When they couldn't find a goalkeeper, I volunteered. At one point, the ball came to Abbas, and we were face to face. When Abbas opened the ball a little too much, I flew like a panther and snatched the ball from his feet, and Abbas jumped over me to avoid hitting me. He touched my shoulder in approval.

There was a very pleasant atmosphere and a sense of friendship at that table. I was impressed by the sportsmanship they showed. My own tribe was avoiding me, while the MHP members, whom I had labeled as "fascists" and kept my distance from, were chatting with me in a friendly manner. I would like to extend my condolences to my brother Abbas Bozyel and also express that I have not forgotten the sportsmanship he showed years ago.

CONVERSATION WITH THE LATE SÜLEYMAN TAŞKINSUN

The "INDUSTRIAL" region of Iğdır was important. The late Süleyman Taşkınsu had contributed greatly to it. One day, I took my brochures and started visiting the workshops in the industrial area one by one. Then I came to the place where my brother Süleyman Taşkınsu was. He greeted me with his usual warmth and generosity. As I sipped the tea he offered, he began to speak:

"Oh, Mr. Mücahit, do you know why I became a candidate?"

"Why, Brother Süleyman?"

"Since my childhood, whenever election time comes, they create a stir saying 'this one won' or 'that one won.' I'm curious. Let me see this Parliament. Let me see what's in it that these people kill themselves for it?"

We both burst into laughter. May God have mercy on him!

ELECTION DAY

On election day, my rivals dispersed to the polling stations in convoys. There wasn't even a taxi I could rent. I was forced to sit in the hotel lobby and wait. A phone call came. It was my missing driver, İsmet: "Brother, open voting is taking place for Pervin Buldan in Karakuyu, just so you know!"

I called our esteemed Governor, but he was unwilling to intervene. It was known that PKK mountain cadres were descending into villages for intimidation purposes. There was a fear that a trap could be set for the gendarmerie. I had no chance of intervening alone in a situation where the state's power was insufficient. In short, on election day, I did not leave the hotel.

The polls closed at 5:00 PM. An hour later, my sister Süheyla appeared at the hotel door. I was surprised. She had rushed from Germany. I later learned that Ahmet Hun had called Süheyla and said, "Mücahit has lost his mind, come and take him away," and the poor thing had believed it and come.

As the ballot boxes opened, news quickly began to circulate. My cousin Necdet Hun, who had been hiding for weeks, suddenly appeared and invited me to dinner at his house. My cousin, who had been going door-to-door in her headscarf, made and served the most delicious kebabs. After all, she knew I had suffered a defeat and wanted to savor it.

While at dinner, Necdet received a phone call. According to unofficial results, Ali Güner and Pervin Buldan had won. If Nevzat Aras had not split the MHP's votes, Ali Güner and Abbas Bozyel would have won the election. In a sense, Nurettin Aras had shown his power.

I had received 301 votes. I received zero votes from the Geloylu villages, meaning from my own relatives. I tried not to show my disappointment because my sadness meant happiness for others. Considering the circumstances, betrayals, and threats I faced, 301 votes felt like 301,000 votes to me.

The next day, before leaving Iğdır, we visited our aunts. My late Aunt Seyran said she hadn't voted in the election. When Süheyla saw the ink on my aunt's finger, my aunt was forced to confess: "I gave my vote to our daughter Pervin!" My heart ached. Even if she had voted for Pervin Buldan, I didn't think it was right for her to say it openly to my face. Magnanimity and kinship required otherwise, but my aunt had deliberately tried to stab me in the heart. May God have mercy on her!

THE LAST GENTLEMANSHIP

Before leaving Iğdır, I published an advertisement in the newspaper owned by Osman Toka, extending my best wishes to Ali Güner and Pervin Buldan, who won the election.

My election struggle ended in this way. I forgot everything and started a new life.